GOVERNMENT OE INDIA
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY
CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY
B cfi/
Call No.. 297 .
EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS
LANGUAGE & LITERATURE No. 6
INTRODUCTION
TO THE QUR’AN
BY
RICHARD BELL
M.A.. D.D.
FORMERLY HEADER IN ARABIC
UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH
2#qQl02- .
EDINBURGH
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1953
OBNTis '
UH : 1
Aog. % .
Date.
0% 11 No ..
. t • !» ' PMI oulUAli
\ \ : m - \\ t»K. KL
. °l b *. ..
A.:*-??,.
PRINTED IN CREAT BRITAIN
BY R. St R. CLARK, LTD., EDINBURGH
PREFACE
K.
P
ft
4
I HAVE long felt that there is need in English for a general
introduction to thd Qur’an, and, as time has been given me,
I have attempted to supply it.
This book should, indeed, have accompanied my trans¬
lation (The Quran. Translated , with a Critical Rearrange¬
ment oj the Surahs. Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark, 1937,
1939). Various reasons, particularly that of health, led me
at that time to concentrate on the preparation of the trans¬
lation as the best way of setting out the results at which
I had arrived. The views of Muhammad and of the Qur’an on
which my analysis of the surahs was based have not always
been understood, and I have taken this opportunity to make
them clearer.
The class lectures from which the book has developed
have largely disappeared in the process of revision, though
they may still show through, here and there. I am indebted
to Professor Emeritus W. B. Stevenson for counsel and
encouragement. In spite of his advice, faults of arrangement
still remain. There are, no doubt, other defects, but I see no
hope of making further improvements. Footnotes have been
kept to a minimum. My debt to previous works is sufficiently
manifest, especially that to Noeldeke's Geschichte des Korans ,
the second edition of winch, revised by Schw'ally and others,
is denoted by N-S. The surahs are denoted by small Capital
Roman numerals ; the verse numbering is that of Fluegel’s
edition. The differences between it and the Official Egyptian
Edition are shown in the Table which immediately follows
the Table of Contents.
I have to thank my wife for constant care and further¬
ance, and my niece, Mrs. Liddiatt, for relieving me of the
labour of typing.
R. B.
PUBLISHERS’ NOTE
This Introduction does not include the ‘mass of notes’
which, as Dr. Bell stated in the preface to his Translation ,
had to be omitted from that work owing to the cost of printing!
These are, in the main, notes on the text of the Qur’Sn, and
may be published if circumstances permit.
Dr. Bell did not live to read the proofs of this book. At
his request they have been read by his friends Mr. Gilbert
Watson, C.B.E., formerly H.M. Senior Chief Inspector of
Schools in Scotland, and the Rev. A. T. Gordon, M.A.,
formerly Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies in the
American University, Cairo. Mrs. Bell wishes to express
her indebtedness both to them for their labour of love and
to Messrs. R. & R. Clark’s compositors and readers for the
skill with which they have carried out their difficult task.
CONTENTS
MCC
V
Preface
Table of Differences ix
CHATTU
I. The Historical Situation and Muhammad i
The environment—the world-situation—Arabia—the Bedouin—
Arab life and custom—position of women—sacred months—
Mcccah—religion—jinn—Judaism—Christianity— Zoroastrian¬
ism—religious penetration— hanifs —Jewish-Christian sects—cul¬
tural penetration—writing—could Muhammad write?—the value
of Tradition
Muhammad: his career—note on Arab and Moslem chrono-
logy—Muhammad's character and aims—development of his
ideas—his aim not primarily political—the nature of his inspira¬
tion—' suggestion Muhammad's essential sincerity
II. The Origin of the Qur’an 37
Theological doctrine—Muhammad the recipient, not the author,
of the Qur’Sn — the deliver)' of the Qur’an—the Tradition as to its
collection—criticism of the Tradition—pre-’Othmanic Qur’ans—
the 'Othmanic recension—authenticity of the Qur’an—discussion
of certain verses—criticism of Casanova’s view—is the Qur’an
complete ?
Note on the text of the Qur’an
III. The Form of the Qur’an 51
Names for the Qur’in—divisions ( a ) ritual— (6) surahs—headings
of surahs—mysterious letters—consideration of theories con¬
cerning these—(c) verses—dramatic form of the Qur’an
Table of surahs showing their comparative length and the
occurrence of initial letters
IV. The Structure and Style of the Qur’An 67
Rhymes—rhyme - phrases—refrains—internal rhymes—strophes
—short pieces—importance of these pieces as fundamental units
of the Qur’an
Style of the Qur’an—slogans— kdkin-forra —asseverative pass¬
ages — ‘ when ’ • passages — dramatic scenes — narratives and
parables—similes—metaphors—borrowed metaphors and words
—language
V. The Compilation of the Surahs 82
Revisions and alterations—form and length of the surahs—
rhymes and rhyme-phrases—adaptation of passages—discon¬
tinuities in grammar and syntax—insertions—alternative con¬
tinuations—inadequacy of the usual explanations to account for
many disconnected passages—most probable explanation is
confusion and misplacement in copying—how this may have
occurred—examples from the Qur’an—consideration of certain
vii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PACE
confused passages dealing with subjects which presented critical
problems to Muhammad—present form of the Qur’fin rests on
written documents dating from his life-time
Note on the Moslem doctrine of Ndsikh and Mans&kk
(Abrogation)
VI. The Chronological Order of the Qur’An ioo
No reliable tradition as to the historical order of the surahs—
Nocldckc's theory and arrangement—other theories -criticism
of Noeldckc’s—the surest guide to the order is careful analysis of
the surahs—principal criteria to be applied, (a) style (6) phrase¬
ology in relation to Muhammad's Call, to his doctrine of punish¬
ment for unliclief, to his reaction to hostility of Medinan Jews—
other murks of dates of passages
Table of order of the surahs in various chronological arrange¬
ments: ’Othmanic, Muir’s, Nocldekc’s, Grimmc’s, Egyptian
VII. Stages in the Growth of the Qur’an 115
Signs of Allah’s power and bounty—* sign ’-passages —their
occurrence throughout the Qur’fln—their nature—discussion of
certain ‘ signs ’, including those referring to resurrection and
creation—stories of punishment— al-mathSnl, its meaning and
derivation—purpose of the stories—interpretation of them—the
Qur’an—Muhammad’s Qur’an the Arab counterpart of scriptures
of earlier monotheists—its composition and teaching—the surah—
was the Qur’an definitely dosed ?—change in Muhammad’s posi¬
tion after the hegira—the Book—its relation to the Qur'in
Note on al-furqdn
VIII. Contents and Sources of the Qur’an 139
Teaching—its object—degree of Jewish and Christian influence—
the idea of God—the names All&h and ar-Rahman —other
spiritual beings—the Messenger or Prophet—the Revelation—
the Book—the Qur’an and the Book in relation to Jews and
Christians—eschatology—end of the world—resurrection does
not imply natural immortality of man—Judgment—believers and
unbelievers—everlasting bliss or everlasting torment—Paradise
(the (or a) Garden)—houris
Narratives: the Qur’an’s dependence on the Old Testament
and, to a less extent, on the New—these narratives not taken
directly from the Bible—obtained from oral, not literary, sources
—confusions—presence of extra-Biblical material—Muhammad’s
knowledge of the Old Testament gathered largely from Medinan
Jews—his knowledge of the New not intimate because of lack of
close contact with Christians
Legislation: prayer—poor - tax—food—drink—gambling—
fasting—pilgrimage—usury—marriage—divorce—inheritance
Conclusion
Words whose Derivation or Meaning is dis¬
cussed 173
Bibliocraphy 173
Indexes 175
TABLE OF DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN THE VERSE-NUMBERS IN FLUEGEL’S EDITION
AND THOSE IN THE OFFICIAL EGYPTIAN EDITION
The left-hand column gives Fluegcl’s numbers : the corresponding numbers in
the Egyptian text may be obtained by adding or subtracting as indicated in the
right-hand column.
. 1-6
+ 1
III contd . 180-190
+ 3
I vii contd . 28-103
+ 2
. 1-19
-n
191-193
+ 2
103-131
+ 3
19-38
+ 2
194
+ 1
131-139
+ 4
38-61
+3
196-198
+ 1
*40-143
+3
61-63
+ 4
IV. . . . 3-5
+ 1
144-146
+2
63-73
+ 5
7 -i 3
-1
* 47 -1 57
+ 1
73-137
+ 6
*4
-2
166-186
+ 1
138*172
+ 5
*5
-3
191-205
+ 1
173-212
+ 4
16-29
-4
vui . . 37-43
-1
213-216
+ 3
30-32
“5
44-64
-2
217-218
+ 2
32-45
“4
64-76
-I
219-220
+1
45-47
-3
IX. . .62-130
- I
236-258
-1
47-48
-2
X . . . n-80
- I
259-269
— 2
49-70
-3
XI. . .6
- I
270-273
-3
70-100
-2
7-9
-2
273-274
— 2
100-106
-I
10-22
-3
274-277
— 1
118-156
+ 1
22-54
-2
. . 1-4
+ 1
156-170
+2
55-77
-3
4-18
+ 2
171-172
+ 1
77-84
-2
19-27
+ 1
174-175
+ 1
84-87
-I
27-29
+ 2
v . . . .3-4
-*
88-95
-2
29-30
+ 3
5-8
-2
96-99
-3
30-31
+ 4
9-18
-3
99-120
-2
3**43
+ 5
18-19
-2
120-122
- I
43-44
+ 6
20-35
“3
XII . .97-103
-I
44-68
+ 7
35-52
-4
XIII . . 6-18
- I
69-91
+ 6
53*70
-5
28-30
+ 1
92-98
+ 5
70-82
-4
XIV . . 10-11
- I
99-122
+ 4
82-88
-3
12-13
-2
122-126
+ 5
88-93
- 2
14-24
-3
126-141
+ 6
93-98
-1
25-26
-4
141-145
+ 7
roi-109
+ 1
27-37
-5
146-173
+ 6
VI. . . 66-72
+ 1
37
-4
* 74-175
+ 5
136-163
-1
37 - 4 *
-3
176-179
+ 4
VII . . 1-28 1
+ 1
41-42
-2
X
TABLE OF DIFFERENCES
xiv contd . 42-45
- 1
XXII contd . 26-43
-1
XL contd .
33*39
- 2
4647
- 2
43-77
+1
40-56
-3
47-51
- 1
XXIII .
. 28-34
-1
56-73
-2
XVI .
. 22-24
- 1
35-117
-2
73-74
- 1
25-110
— 2
117
-1
XLI . .
1-26
+ 1
110-128
- I
XXIV .
. 14-18
+ 1
XL 1 I . .
I-X 1
+ 2
XVII .
. 10-26
- 1
44-60
+ 1
12-31
+ 1
27-48
-2
XXV .
. 4-20
-1
31-42
+ 2
49-53
-3
21-60
-2
43-50
+ 1
53-106
- 2
60-66
-1
XLIII . .
1-51
+1
106-108
- 1
XXVI .
. 1-48
+ 1
XL 1 V . .
1-36
+ 1
XVIII .
. 2-21
+1
228
-1
XLV . .
1-36
+1
23-31
+ 1
XXVII.
. 45-66
-1
XLVI . .
1-34
+1
31-55
+ 2
67-95
-2
XLVII. .
5.16
- 1
56-83
+1
XXVIII
. 1-22
+ 1
17-38
- 2
83-84
+ 2
XXIX .
. 1-51
+1
L .
13-44
+ 1
85-97
+ 1
XXX .
. 1-54
+1
LIII . .
27-58
- 1
XIX .
- • 1-3
+ 1
XXXI .
. 1-32
+ 1
LV . .
1-16
+1
8-14
-1
XXXII
. . 1-9
+ 1
LVI . .
22-46
+1
27-76
-1
XXXIII
. 41-49
+ 1
66-91
+1
77-78
-2
XXXIV
. 10-53
+ 1
LVII . .
13-19
+1
79-91
-3
XXXV
. 8-20
-1
LVIII . .
3-21
-1
9!-93
- 2
20-21
+1
LXXI . .
5-22
+ 1
93-94
- I
21-25
+ 2
26-29
- 1
XX .
. . 1-9
+ 1
25-34
+ 3
LXXII.
23-26
- 1
16-34
- I
35-41
+ 2
LXXIV
32
- 1
40-41
- I
42-44
+ 1
33
- 2
42-63
- 2
XXXVI
. 1-30
+ 1
34-41
-3
64-75
-3
XXXVII
. 29-47
+ 1
41-42
— 2
75-79
- 2
47-100
+ 2
42-51
-1
80-81
-3
101
+ 1
54-55
+1
81-88
- 2
XXXVIII
. 1-43
+ :
LXXVIII .
4 i
- 1
89-90
-3
76-85
— 1
LXXX. .
15-18
+ 1
90-94
- 2
XXXIX
- 4
-1
LXXXIX .
1-14
+1
94-96
- 1
5*9
-2
17-25
-1
106-115
+ 1
10-14
-3
XCVIII .
.2-7
+1
115-121
+ 2
14-19
-2
Cl. . .
. 1-5
+ 1
122-123
+ 1
19-63
-1
5*6
+ 2
XXI .
. 29-67
- 1
XL .
. . 1-2
+1
6-11
+ 3
XXII .
. 19-21
- 1
19-32
-1
CVI . .
•3
+1
CHAPTER I
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
Few books have exercised a wider or deeper influence upon
the spirit of man than the Qur’an. By the Moslems, as the
followers of Muhammad are properly called, it is regarded
as a divine revelation. It is used by them in their public
and private devotions, and is recited at their festivals and
family occasions. It is the basis of their religious beliefs,
their ritual, and their law; the guide of their conduct, both
public and private. It moulds their thought, and its phrases
enter into their literature and their daily speech. A book
thus held in reverence by some three hundred millions of our
fellow-men demands our attention. It also demands serious
study; for it is by no means an easy book to understand.
It is neither a treatise on theology, nor a code of laws, nor
a collection of sermons, but rather a medley of all three, with
some other things thrown in. It was not written at one
time, or according to one scheme, but was delivered from
time to time during a period of some twenty years, in the
course of which Muhammad, the prophet by whom it was
delivered, rose from the position of an obscure religious
reformer in his native Meccah to that of virtual ruler of
Arabia, in his adopted town of Medinah. As it reflects the
changing circumstances, needs and purposes of the Prophet
during these years, it naturally varies much in style and
content, and even in teaching. Its arrangement is un¬
systematic, and though it is written in, on the whole, intel¬
ligible Arabic, even in its language there are difficulties
which scholars have not yet succeeded in explaining.
Before proceeding to study the book itself it will be
useful to have before us in brief outline some information as
to the historical situation and circumstances of its origin.
2
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
THE ENVIRONMENT
The World Situation .—The Qur’an was produced in the
early part of the seventh century A.D. The mission started
by Columba was spreading over Scotland and the North of
England; that started by St. Austin was spreading over
England from the South. The Merovingian kings were
nominally reigning in France. The Roman Empire of the
West had succumbed to the invasions of the Barbarians. To
the Arabs, Rum meant the Byzantine Empire with its capital
at Constantinople. This Eastern Roman Empire, having
escaped the ravages which had overtaken the Empire in the
West, had attained a position of settled power and civilisation
under Justinian, A.D. 527-563, but had thereafter fallen into
confusion, partly owing to attacks by other Barbarians from
without, and partly because of internal troubles and incapable
rulers.
The Persian Empire of the Sassanids had long been the
rival of Byzantium in the East. It included Iraq and Meso¬
potamia; indeed its capital had been fixed at Meda’in
Ctesiphon, which lay a few miles south of where the later
city of Baghdad now stands. It thus bordered upon the
North East of Arabia, just as the Byzantine province of
Syria bordered upon the North West. Hostilities were en¬
demic along the frontier of the two empires, and periodically
broke out into regular wars. Even the fifty years’ peace
agreed on towards the end of the reign of Justinian had not
been kept, and a long and final struggle began in A.D. 602.
Taking advantage of the weakness of Byzantium, Khosrau II
of Persia declared war, alleging as his pretext revenge for
the murder of the Emperor Maurice, to whose aid he had in
the beginning of his reign been indebted. Phocas, who had
displaced Maurice, beset by apathy and active revolt at
home, was in no position to ward off the Persian attack, and
Asia Minor was overrun. The fortunes of Byzantium were
at their lowest ebb when in 610 Heraclius, son of the governor
of North Africa, appeared with a fleet before Constantinople.
Phocas was deposed and Heraclius crowned emperor. But
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
3
the European provinces of the Empire had also been overrun
by Barbarians from the North, and years passed before he
was able to make headway against the Persians. Turning
southwards, they conquered Syria and Egypt in 614. But
the sack of Jerusalem, which had revolted against the
Persian garrison, the slaughter of Christians, and the carrying
off of what was believed to be the true Cross, stirred the
emotions of Christians throughout the Empire. This enabled
Heraclius to organise his forces for a determined effort. He
had, however, first to deal with the Avars who threatened
Constantinople from the North, and it was not till 622 that
he was able to turn against the Persians. Thereafter, in
campaign after campaign he compelled them to withdraw
from Asia Minor, Egypt, and Syria, by using his sea-power
to attack them in the rear and to invade their home-
provinces. In 627 Khosrau’s palace was captured and
sacked ; he had to flee from his capital, and met his death
either from the violence of his own passions or from that of
his courtiers. In 628 peace was made, and amongst other
conditions was the return of the Cross, which Heraclius the
victor restored to Jerusalem.
Arabia .—This contest for world power, which was going
on while Muhammad was pursuing his mission in Meccah
and Medinah, probably affected Arabia but little. Arabs
may have fought in the armies of both empires. It is possible
that the disturbed state of the countries to the north of Arabia
tended to divert some of the trade between East and West,
which would otherwise have passed through them, to the
southern route, and may thus have increased the trade of
South Arabia and of the Meccan caravans which formed
one of the links between South Arabia and the Mediterranean.
There may be one or two references to the war in the Qur’an,
though what is usually regarded as a prophecy of Byzantine
victory, XXX, 1-4, is perhaps to be interpreted otherwise.
But the scene of the fighting was, for the most part, remote
from Arabia.
This great peninsula, so largely desert, was in fact pro¬
tected by the nature of its terrain from warlike invasion
from without. The two great powers had been content to
4
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
maintain on its frontiers something of the nature of buffer-
states. The Persians supported the Lakhmid dynasty of
Hirah in the North East, while in the North West the
Byzantines subsidised the chiefs of the house of Ghassan.
In return for this support, these Arab rulers held the raiding
Bedouin in check, and maintained the prestige of their
respective superiors. Only in the South West had there
been any real political penetration. This fertile corner of
Arabia had been the seat of an ancient civilisation. But the
Sabaeans who latterly had ruled there, had, for some reason,
lost their power and their monopoly of trade, see XXXIV,
14 ff. Christianity had been introduced fairly early, and
there are traditions of persecutions of the Christians, notably
that under the Jewish king, Dhu Nuwas. This led to the
invasion of the Yemen by the Abyssinians, and the establish¬
ment of an Abyssinian dynasty. Later, just about the time
of Muhammad, this had been replaced by Persian rule.
The greater part of Arabia, however, was then, as it still
is, a land of nomad tribes. Here and there, where water
happened to be found, an oasis gave opportunity for the
practice of some primitive agriculture, and especially for the
cultivation of palms. The most important of these oases
in West Arabia was Yathrib or, as it came to be better
known, Medinah. It lay on a fertile plateau, towards the
head of the Wadi Hamd, about 130 miles inland from the
Red Sea coast, between the 24th and 25th degrees of latitude.
Farther north were Khaibar, Taima’, and Dumah. In these
and other places a small settled population was found.
Meccah, the largest town of all, owed its population to trade
rather than to agriculture, for the surrounding country is
sterile. So far as they were Arabs, the inhabitants of the
towns and villages do not seem to have differed much from
the Bedouin. The same tribal system seems to have prevailed.
The Bedouin .—The Bedouin were intensely proud, boast¬
ing their freedom, their prowess in war, their hospitality and
their purity of race. They were inclined to despise those
who had settled down to agriculture. They all, however,
recognised each other as Arabs, and this unity was fostered
not only by a sense of race kinship, but by a common language,
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
5
spoken, no doubt, in many dialects, and by a common
heritage of poetry which maintained a standard of the
language understood and admired all over the peninsula.
But this vague unity of race and tongue was broken by tribal
jealousies and feuds. The tribe was the main unit, divided
into clans and families, but held together by the council of
its leading men. Amongst these, one was usually recognised
as chief, but this office, though it might tend to remain in
one family, was not hereditary. The holding of it, in fact,
depended on ability tb take the lead in council and in war.
Each tribe had its recognised district, in which it moved as
the exigencies of water and pasturage demanded. These
varied from season to season, and probably from year to
year. The desert character of Arabia is for the most part
due, not to the nature of its soil, but to the scantiness and
uncertainty of its rainfall. Rain in Arabia is one of the
greatest of blessings, and with its coming the face of the
desert is transformed. In good seasons life might be pleasant
enough, but times were often hard, and famine years not
uncommon. Within the tribe a certain brotherhood pre¬
vailed, and the chiefs had a sense of responsibility towards
the poorer members. In a mercantile town like Meccah, we
may surmise, this responsibility sat but lightly on the wealthy.
Beyond the limits of the tribe, however, little sense of brother¬
hood existed. In times of stress weak tribes were bound to
suffer, and might be driven from part, or even from the whole,
of their domain. The many migrations of which one hears
were no doubt due to something of that sort ; though the
fact that so-called Southern Arab tribes were found in Central
and North Arabia is generally associated with the bursting
of the dam of Ma’rib in the Yemen in A.D. 451, an event for
which there is historical evidence.
The basis of the tribe was no doubt kinship, though there
was more mixture of blood than the theory of the Arab
genealogists implies. Outside his own tribe the individual
had no rights, and counted for little. But he might be
received into the protection of another tribe or of some
influential member of it, and so find security. Or he might
even be accepted into the tribe as a halif , by a sort of
6 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
blood-brotherhood constituted by oath. It was probably in
some such way that Muhammad’s followers at first found a
footing in Mcdinah.
Arab Life and Custom .—The possessions of a tribe con¬
sisted of cattle, sheep, and goats, but especially of camels.
Horses were much prized, but were delicate animals in
desert conditions: only the wealthy could maintain them,
and their use was mainly for raids and fighting. It was on
his camels that the Badawl mainly depended. He was
largely occupied in breeding and rearing them, and from
them came most of his simple necessities. Wild animals of
the desert offered good hunting at times to those who could
afford to take part in it.
Warlike raids were frequent. These for the most part
aimed at the capture of booty rather than at bloodshed. But
it was a rough game, in which the attempt to drive off cattle
and other booty often led to fighting and bloodshed. The
law of retaliation prevailed, and, while from one point of
view this operated to make the shedding of blood a serious
matter which should if possible be avoided, on the other
hand, if once blood were shed, an ever-widening feud might
develop which would make life unsafe for members of both
the tribes involved, and might grow to open warfare. Wiser
counsels, however, sometimes prevailed, and a composition
was made by balancing up the slain and making a payment
of camels. Even then, personal feelings might not be
satisfied, and private revenge taken for a near relative might
reopen the feud.
Position of Women .—In such a state of society the
position of women must have been insecure. The strength
of a tribe lay in its fighting men. The birth of a son was
welcomed, that of a daughter was often felt as a disappoint¬
ment. To what extent the custom prevailed of burying
female children alive is difficult to discover. The Qur’an
affords evidence that it sometimes happened, VI, 138, XVI,
61, LXXXI, 8 f. That it prevailed extensively is hardly likely.
For, in a sense, daughters were valuable property. Marriage
was by purchase, the mahr or bride-price being paid to the
parent or guardian. Women were also frequently carried
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION 7
off in raids, becoming the wives of their captors. This
implies that women were regarded as property. We are
told that they might be inherited as part of the property
of a deceased, husband, though it is doubtful if this is referred
to in IV, 23. The fact that a husband claimed rights of
possession in a wife did not necessarily prevent the wife
having property of her own, nor did it altogether prevent
women from exercising some amount of influence. They
seem to have enjoyed considerable freedom and respect.
But they had few' rights. Divorce was common, and at the
will of the man, though a woman’s kinsmen might have
influence enough to prevent too great injustice being done.
The migrations of nomad life no doubt tended to induce
temporary relationships, and when women were carried off
in raids little regard was paid to the marriage bond.
Sacred Months .—The uncertainty of this state of raiding
and war, which seems to have been almost normal in Arabia,
was to some extent mitigated by the institution of sacred
months. Of these there were four in the year, Rajab, standing
by itself, the other three, Dhu 1 -Qa'dah, Dhu 1 -Hijjah and
Muharram, forming a group at the end and beginning of
the Arab year. In the middle of this period the Meccan
pilgrimage was held annually. In these months, by long-
established custom, war and fighting were forbidden, and in
spite of the lawlessness of Arab life the prohibition seems
on the whole to have been observed. The Arab months were
lunar, but the year was kept in line with the seasons by the
insertion of an extra month occasionally. When this should
be done was, in all probability, decided at Meccah during
the pilgrimage time.
Meccah .—Meccah had at this time become the leading
tow'n of Arabia. It was dependent on its trade. Its pos¬
session of a well had made it a halting-place on the trade
route which ran north and south roughly parallel to the Red
Sea, and also on that which ran from the interior of Arabia
to the Red Sea coast. The town had grown to be of much
importance. The North-South route was one of the arteries
of trade between East and West, and the trade passing
along it, which had at one time been in the hands of the
B
8 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Sabaeans, and later shared by them with the Nabataeans,
seems now to have fallen into the hands of the Meccans.
Meccah had thus become a place of wealth, business and
political influence. It was, in addition, a religious centre, for
it possessed a famous sanctuary, the Ka'bah, and was sur¬
rounded by a haram , or sacred territory, in which by religious
sanction fighting and bloodshed were forbidden. The annual
pilgrimage, which seems in pagan times to have been con¬
nected with other sanctuaries in the neighbourhood of Meccah
rather than with the Ka'bah, drew together tribesmen from
all over Arabia. Under shelter of the sacred months fairs
were held at various places in the neighbourhood, and no
doubt a good deal of secular and political business was
transacted. The frequency with which the Qur’an insists
that it is impossible to frustrate Allah probably combats
the confidence the Meccans had in their powers of negotiation
and intrigue to avert threatening dangers.
Religion. —Religion, it will be seen, still exercised much
influence in Arabia. But this was probably due more to
respect for ancient custom than to the strength of active
belief in the pagan gods. These gods, of whom we really
know little beyond the names, seem to have been connected
partly with worship of the heavenly bodies (al-'Uzza is
probably the planet Venus, and al-Lat a name for the sun-
goddess), partly with a worship of fate or destiny (al-Manat
has probably some such sense), and partly with a more
primitive animism. They were associated with particular
places, and seem to have been represented by rough stone-
images, or perhaps simply by stones of some peculiar shape
which had acquired a reputation of sanctity. Sacrifices were
offered to the gods, usually camels, sheep or goats. There
are hints of human sacrifices having occasionally taken place,
but these were certainly not characteristic of Arabian religion.
The exposure of female infants may have had a religious
basis, but was more probably due to economic causes. The
Qur’an mentions some food-taboos, no doubt connected with
the sacrifices. Pilgrimages were made to sanctuaries, and
the circumambulation of them seems to have been a common
practice. We know most about the pilgrimage of Meccah,
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
9
and the circumambulation of the Ka'bah, which with some
modifications were ultimately adopted into Islam, and still
continue. But these, though the most important of such
ceremonies, were not the only ones in Arabia.
Jinn .—In ordinary life, belief in demons and jinn was
probably more alive in the mind of the Arab than belief in
the gods. These shadowy spirits seldom assumed a distinct
personality or a name. They were associated with deserts,
ruins and other eerie places, and might assume various forms,
usually those of animals, serpents and other creeping things.
Though vaguely feared, they were not always inimical. A
madman was majnun, that is, affected by the jinn, but the
jinn were sometimes also thought of as assisting men to
special knowledge. That the poet was at one time thought
of as having some such demonic inspiration is implied in the
name shd'ir ‘one who is aware' or 'perceives'. The
position of the kdhin ‘ soothsayer ’ is by no means clear.
He appears not to have been specially attached to any
sanctuary, or to the service of a particular god, but to have
had his own special prompter, a spirit or jinn, who inspired
him, and to have carried on his operations independently.
Arab legend has much to tell of these men—women oc¬
casionally pretended to such inspiration—and though in
detail entirely untrustworthy, it no doubt conveys a true
enough picture of the customs which prevailed. They were
consulted on all sorts of matters, for prognostications of the
future, for the solution of past mysteries, and for decisions
on litigious questions. Their oracles were often cryptic,
garnished with oaths to make them more impressive, and
usually couched in saf 4 rhymed prose short rhythmic
lines rhyming with each other. It is probable that the
existence of such a class of men, and the style of their oracles,
had some influence upon Muhammad, though he denied that
he was a kdhin.
Judaism —We have also, however, as a mere glance at
the Qur’Sn will show, to reckon with the influence of the
higher religions of Judaism and Christianity. Judaism had
been known in Arabia for at least several centuries. In the
Yemen, the Jews had at one time taken a leading position,
IO
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
and no doubt were still represented by a strong colony
in the Prophet’s day. In practically all the oases of the
North West of the peninsula we hear of settlements of Jews,
in Taima’, Fadak, Wadi 1 -Qura, Khaibar, and especially in
Yathrib (Medinah). They seem to have been agriculturalists
rather than traders, and, curiously enough, the evidence of
their presence in the trading centre, Meccah, is rather un¬
certain. On the ground of the names which are mentioned
in Tradition, and of the fact that they seem to have been
divided into tribes and clans, it has been argued that these
settlers were not Jews by race, but were Arabs who had
adopted the Jewish religion. But, though there may have
been Arab proselytes among them, it seems impossible to
understand the part which these people play in the life of
Muhammad without assuming that there was at least a
strong kernel of Jewish race. As they appear in the Qur’an,
they have the characteristics of the Jew.
Christianity .—Christianity prevailed in most of the
countries lying round about Arabia. It was the official
religion of the Byzantine Empire. The Melkite, or Orthodox
State Church, was, however, not popular in the provinces
bordering on Arabia. The Chalcedonian formula of the two
natures, divine and human, in the one person of Jesus Christ,
had been adopted in A.D. 451. But the dispute had con¬
tinued, and had led to the formation of separate Churches.
In Syria the Jacobite Church was strong, and held to its
Monophysite doctrine, laying emphasis on the divine nature
of Jesus Christ. The Coptic Church in Egypt was also
Monophysite, as was the Church in Abyssinia. In the
Yemen, where Christianity had found a footing some centuries
before, the Church was influenced by the Abyssinian Church,
and was, like it, Monophysite.
Zoroastrianism .—The official religion of the Persian
Empire was Zoroastrianism, with its dualism of light and
darkness, good and evil. The existence at least of this
religion was known to Muhammad, for its adherents are
referred to under the name al-majiis in XXII, 17. It is there¬
fore possible that he may have borrowed from it, but the
fact that in other similar lists, II, 59, V, 73, al-majus does
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
ii
not occur, suggests that his knowledge of it was remote and
came late. In fact the buffer state of Hirah, through
which the Persian Empire came more immediately into
contact with Arabia, was largely Christian in population.
There was a strong body of Christians there and in the
confines of the Persian Empire itself. This Church, some¬
what isolated from the main body of Christendom, had
maintained the older type of Christian doctrine associated
with the name of Nestorius, and, on the whole, stressed the
human nature of Jesus Christ. Sometimes repressed, but
more usually enjoying an uneasy toleration, it was an active
missionary Church, and spread the knowledge of Christianity
far into the interior of Asia, and also amongst the Arab tribes.
Religious Penetration .—The extent to which Christianity
had really penetrated into Arabia is difficult to gauge.
Certain tribes, especially in the North East, were nominally
Christian. A flourishing Hellenic-Christian civilisation is
attested in the district east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea.
We hear of Christians among the settled population of some
of the oases of the North West of the peninsula, particularly
in Dumah and Taima’, and there was a bishop in Ailah at
the head of the Gulf of 'Aqabah. But as to the centre of the
peninsula, we are in the dark. Many of the Arab poets make
reference to Christian objects and customs. This is natural,
as it was part of the policy of the kings of Hlrah and of the
chiefs of Ghassan to encourage Arab poets to visit their
courts. But the knowledge implied in these references is
limited to externals and seldom goes beyond what an
observant visitor might acquire. On the other hand, the
nature of Arabic poetry did not allow the expression of any
deeper understanding of religion, and there may have been
more behind these casual references than appears. All we
can say is that there is no evidence of the spirit of Arab
poetry having been modified by Christian ideas. But
certainly, through visitors, and especially by the coming and
going of merchants and traders, it was possible for enquiring
spirits in Arabia to acquire a knowledge of Christianity.
There may even have been w'andering missionaries of that
faith appearing at Arab gatherings, as Tradition affirms.
12
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Tradition also speaks of certain Arabs who about Muham¬
mad's time had turned away from paganism ; some inclined
to Christianity, among them Waraqah b. Nawfal, a cousin
of Muhammad’s wife Khadljah, who is said to have studied
the books of the Christians. Western scholars have always
been suspicious of the details of these traditions, but have
been inclined to accept the fact of the existence of these
hanifs as evidence of the influence of Judaism and Christianity
upon the Arabs. Unfortunately they belong to the develop¬
ment of Muhammad’s thought rather than to history.
The word hanif occurs several times in the Qur’an, evidently
in the sense of one who follows a pure religion, ' not a polytheist \
The derivation of the word has been much discussed. The Arabs
derive it from the root linf which means ‘ to incline ’, 4 lean to one
side *; hence the word would mean 4 one who leans away from the
prevailing religion \ But the use of the word in the Qur’an implies
a much more positive sense. Western scholars have been inclined
to connect it with the Syriac fianpa, 4 heathen ’. This suits the use of
the word in Arabic poetry before Muhammad’s time, where it
occurs a few times. But it does not suit the Qur’fln usage. The
further difficulty of the long vowel in the second syllabic of hanif
is resolved if we suppose the word to have been borrowed first in its
plural form; Syriac turnip he would readily give ttunafa' in Arabic,
and this would imply hanif as its singular. This gives us a hint
as to how the word came into Arabic, for in Syriac, speech the Arabs
were, religiously, haniphe, that is, heathen. They were polytheists,
but Muhammad, in the course of his controversy with the Jews
and Christians, came to the conclusion that religions were apt to
be corrupted from their pristine purity. As the Jews and Christians
of his day were the degenerate representatives of original pure
monotheisms established by Moses and Jesus, so the fiunafd' were
the degenerate representatives of an original pure religion estab¬
lished by Abraham. Abraham, therefore, the founder of this Arab
religion, was, as is repeatedly stated in the Qur’an, a 44 hanif\ but
not a polytheist Thus fianif acquired in the Qur’an the sense of
pure monotheist. In so far as the tradition shows the influence of
this change of sense, it is dependent on the Qur’an.
fezvisk-Christian Sects. —Whether, for the explanation
of the Qur’Sn, we require to take account of some heretical
form, or forms, of Christianity is a debatable point. The
mixture of Jewish and Christian material which it contains
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
13
has raised the question whether we have not to assume that
Muhammad had been in contact with some Jewish-Christian
sect. And it is, of course, possible that some such forms of
Christianity may have lingered along the borders of Arabia
long after they had died out elsewhere.
In this connection attention has been called to the Elkesaites, a
Jewish-Christian (perhaps originally Jewish) sect mentioned by
Eusebius and also by Hippolytus. It seems to have been founded
by Elkesai, who professed to have received a Rook sent down to him
from Heaven, c. a.d. ioo. They rejected sacrifices, and stressed
the practice of baptism, in the form of total immersion, for the
remission of sins. In prayer they turned towards Jerusalem, and
they insisted on the observance of the Sabbath. They disliked the
teaching of Paul, denied the Virgin Birth, and practised a form of
sacrament in bread and salt. That they are said to have been
vegetarians may simply mean that they refused to eat flesh which
had been offered in sacrifice.
Mention may also be made of the Mandaeans, who were later
identified with the SSbi’In mentioned in the Qur’an, though this
identification is by no means certain. They were a syncretistic
sect, probably of pagan origin, living in the region of the lower
Euphrates, where remnants of them are still to be found. The most
notable element of their ritual was immersion in running water.
Their belief showed admixture of Jewish, Gnostic, and Christian
elements. Their adoption of John the Baptist as their chief saint
probably dates from after the Moslem conquest, and it is unlikely
that they had any historical connection with him.
Another system from which some have thought that Muhammad
may have borrowed is Manichacism. Its origin is obscure, but it
seems to have arisen from the teaching of Man! (or Minich),
who was bom in Babylonia c. a . d . 216, and c. a . d . 242 began to
claim that he had received divine messages and to carry on a
religious mission. He seems to have claimed to be one of a suc¬
cession of divine messengers, Buddha, Zoroaster, Jesus. But what
place in his system was assigned to these predecessors is not clear.
Manichaeism claimed to be a philosophy and an ethical system
based upon revelation. Its philosophy makes much of the im¬
aginative contrast between light and darkness, good and evil, spirit
and matter, though it is not clear how far it actually identified evil
with matter, or in fact what its conception of matter really was.
Its ethical code was, however, somewhat whimsically ascetic, and
fasting played a large part in it. The movement spread first in the
Persian Empire, where it met with persecution. It was thus driven
M INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
into Central Asia. Its spread in the West dates from about the
fourth century. There it appealed strongly to the intelligentsia,
and for a time was amongst them a serious rival to Christianity.
We cannot a priori rule out the possibility that any of
these sects may have exercised some influence upon Muham¬
mad or his surroundings. To the enquiring Arab mind any
idea current in the spiritual atmosphere of surrounding
countries might be accessible. Yet on the whole Arabia was
remote and primitive, and Muhammad was, after all, a
practical man who had spent the early part of his life in
business, if not in more menial labour. It will be well
therefore to keep as far as possible to the main stream of
ideas that were likely to be known to ordinary people, and
not allow ourselves to be lured aside by every attractive
similarity which scholarship may reveal.
Cultural Penetration .—Some of the things which Arabia
needed it could no doubt procure. But its wants were limited
by its remoteness, its restricted resources and its primitive
mode of life. Swords and lances appear to have been common
enough, though they no doubt came mostly from outside.
The protective ring-mail, which came from Persia, could be
procured only by the chiefs. Wine, the product of the grape,
was imported by Jewish or Christian merchants, but the
very frequency with which poets boast of having drunk it
shows that it was not an ordinary beverage.
Writing .—The question which interests us here is the
prevalence of writing. The assumption which at one time
prevailed that writing in Muhammad’s day was a recent
introduction into Arabia, known only to a few and still
regarded as a marvel, has been disproved. It rested to some
extent on a misinterpretation of XCVI, 4, which was taken as
ascribing the teaching of the use of the pen to Allah as one
of His outstanding gifts to men. The real sense is that Allah
had taught by means of the pen, that is, had given a written
revelation of things which men could not otherwise know.
That writing was known in Arabia long before that time is
shown by archaeological evidence. There are South Arabian
inscriptions going back, some of them, far beyond the
Christian era. In North West Arabia inscriptions have
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
>5
*
been found, in various alphabets, Nabataean, Lihyanic,
Thamudic, which belong to the centuries preceding the
appearance of Muhammad. Jhe Arabic alphabet is sparsely
attested : there is one inscription dating from A.D. 328, and
there are two belonging to the sixth century. That is no
doubt meagre enough. Still we may assume that, where
inscriptions on stone or metal occur, writing on some more
convenient material was already fairly well known. In fact,
anyone who considers the relationship of these various
alphabets to each other will recognise that the development
is one of written forms, which tend to grow more cursive,
and therefore less suitable for inscriptional use. This implies
a pretty active use of writing. True, no inscriptions have
yet been found in the neighbourhood of Meccah or Medinah.
But Meccah was a mercantile town dependent for its very
existence on its trade, and in regular communication with
regions in which writing was in common use. The Meccan
merchants must have kept some record of their transactions,
and it may be assumed that writing was well enough known
there. The indirect evidence of the Qur’an shows that it
was. Its imagery is steeped in a mercantile atmosphere, and
implies the keeping of accounts in writing. The Judgment-
day is the day of reckoning, the books will be opened, and
every one will be shown his account, or will get his account
handed to him to read. The angels write the deeds of men,
and everything is recorded in a book. Some of these images
may be borrowed from Christian language ; but, even so,
they must have been quite well understood in Meccah. The
fact that the Qur’an lays it down that debts should be recorded
in writing, II, 282 f., shows that persons able to write were
not difficult to find even in Medinah where this regulation
was produced.
The tradition as to the collection of the Qur'an mentions
palm-leaves, leather, ribs and shoulder-blades of animals as
materials on which portions of the Qur’an were found to
have been written. Possibly the intention behind this is to
give an impression of the primitive conditions amid which
the Qur’an originated, and thus heighten the wonder of it.
No doubt these things were occasionally used for writing
16 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
on. But there is no reason why papyrus should not have
been used in Meccah at any rate. For purposes of book-
production papyrus had by this time given place, in the
Gracco-Roman world, to pergament (parchment), which was
prepared from the skins of animals, afforded a better surface,
and was more enduring. This is perhaps once mentioned
in the Qur’an, LII, 3, by the word raqq ; the reference is
probably to the Jewish Law given at Sinai. (It may imply
that the Jews used pergament for the writing of their Torah.)
But papyrus continued to be produced, and was largely used
for business purposes and private correspondence. It was
made in rectangular sheets of moderate size. In former
times, rolls were produced for the writing of books by pasting
a number of such sheets together. That had gone out of
fashion, but to a certain limited extent the sheets might still
be pasted together, or might be folded into book-form. Prob¬
ably it is this material which is denoted by the word qirtas ,
which occurs twice in the Qur’an, VI, 7, 91, for it is derived
from the Greek chartSs which denotes a leaf or sheet of
papyrus. Since it is an early borrowing, and probably not
direct from the Greek, there is of course the possibility that
it may have undergone some change of meaning, but this is
unlikely, as it appears to have still had the signification of
papyrus in the days of the caliphs ; (see Mingana, Wood-
brooke Studies, II, p. 21). VI, 91 may then imply that the
Jews used papyrus for writing out separate portions of the
Torah; and VI, 7 shows that the idea of producing a book
on papyrus did at least enter Muhammad’s mind. What
material was denoted by suhuf, we have no means of knowing.
The word occurs several times in the Qur’an, usually in con¬
nection with the revelation, XX, 133, LIU, 37, LXXX, 13,
LXXXVII, 18 f., XCVIII, 2; in LXXIV, 52 and LXXXI, 10,
however, it probably refers to the record of man’s deeds.
The word is South Arabian, but occurs in Arabic poetry
before Muhammad’s time (see Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabu¬
lary of the Qur an). The singular fahifah probably denotes
a sheet of writing material, so that it would not specify any
particular material. The plural ?uhuf one would naturally
take to mean separate (unbound) sheets. It may be argued
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
17
that when the Qur’an speaks of the suhuf of Moses or of
Abraham something of the nature of a book is implied. But
that is not necessarily so. If Muhammad were working with
sheets, he would naturally assume that other messengers did
the same.
Could Muhammad Write ?—The question then arises
whether Muhammad used writing materials, and had
acquired the art of writing. It has become almost a dogma
with Moslems that the Prophet was unable cither to read
or to write. It enhances the miracle of the Qur’an that it
should have been delivered by one entirely unlettered. Early
opinion was not quite so fixed, though on the whole it tended
to the same side. One of the main arguments for it is the
application of the adjective ummiy to the Prophet in the
Qur’an, VII, 156, 158, the word being interpreted to mean
‘ uneducated \ Properly the word means ‘ belonging to the
ummah, the community ’, and in all the passages where it
occurs it is at least possible to translate it ‘ native that is,
belonging to the Arab community. In the passages where
it is applied to the Prophet, this gives perfectly good sense.
It was in fact part of his claim that he was an Arab mes¬
senger to the Arab people. In some of the passages where
the word is used in the plural, see II, 73, III, 69, it might be
argued that some contrast is implied between those who
knew the Scriptures and those who did not, and it is possible
that the Jewish use of the phrase 'am ha ares, in the sense of
common, unlettered people may have influenced the meaning.
Even if that be so, the use of ummiy as applied to the Prophet
would imply no more than that he was not familiar with the
Jewish (or Christian) Scriptures. Similar is the sense of
XXIX, 47 : ** Thou hast not been in the habit of reciting or
tracing with thy hand any book before it ; in that case those
who invalidate [thy claims] would have been suspicious
That simply means that he had not been a reader or a writer
of previous Scriptures, that is, had not been a priest or a
scribe ; else his opponents might justifiably have been sus¬
picious that he was merely repeating what he had learned
from them. These Qur’an statements then do not necessarily
imply that Muhammad could not read or write.
18 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
The evidence from Tradition is inconclusive. No great
stress can be laid on the Prophet’s answer to the angel as
reported in the story of his Call, when he was presented with
a scroll and told to read (or recite). For, while the words
most probably mean “ I am not a reader ”, that is, “ I am
unable to read ”, they might mean simply " I am not going
to read ” ; and, as we shall see, the tradition is, as a whole,
unreliable. Tradition quite frequently says that Muhammad
“ wrote ”, but as a rule this means no more than that he
gave instructions for a written message to be sent. We know
that, at any rate in his later years, he employed secretaries.
There is in fact a curious story of his employing one of them
to write the Qur’an. 1 Muhammad was dictating to 'Abdallah
b. Sa'd b. Ab! Sarh the passage XXIII, 12 ff., and when he
reached the end of v. 14, he paused, and 'Abdallah inter¬
jected : “ Blessed be Allah, the best of creators ”. This
Muhammad adopted as the needed rhyme-phrase, and told
him to write it down. This aroused 'Abdallah’s doubts;
later he gave up Islam and returned to Meccah. He was
one of the few proscribed at the time of the conquest, but
was pardoned on the intercession of 'Othman. 2 That does
not look like an invented story, and it supports the assump¬
tion that Muhammad did keep a written record of his revela¬
tions. As to his having written with his own hand, practically
the only definite statement to that effect occurs in some of the
accounts of what happened at Hudaibiyah. It is some¬
times said that when the Quraish emissary objected to the
designation 0 Messenger of God ” in the heading of the
treaty, Muhammad told ‘All, who was acting as secretary,
to delete it and write “ b. ‘Abdallah ” instead. 'All refused
to delete the title, whereupon Muhammad took the document
and deleted it. Some forms of the story say further that he
wrote in the altered designation with his own hand. One
suspects some 'Alfitc influence in this story of ‘All’s refusal
to delete the title. Other forms of the story, while recording
the objection and the dropping of the title—it is really in¬
directly confirmed in XLVin, 29—seem to imply that objection
was raised before the title was actually written, and are
» Sec Batfiwt on vi, 93 - * 11111 Hisham, p. 818 ff.
THE HISTORICAL SITUATION
19
silent about any change being made in the actual document.
The evidence of Muhammad having written anything on
this occasion is thus very weak. 1 A stronger argument,
though indirect, can perhaps be drawn from the story of the
sending out of ‘Abdallah b. Jahsh on the expedition which
led to the attack on the Meccan caravan at Nakhlah on the
last day of the sacred month of Rajab of the year II. Mu¬
hammad is said to have written a letter of instructions, which
he gave to 'Abdallah, forbidding him to open it until he was
two days’ march from Medinah. 2 This of course may not
mean that he wrote the letter with his own hand. But it is
not certain that at this early stage of his career in Medinah
he employed secretaries, and the secrecy with which the
expedition was despatched makes it doubtful whether he
would entrust anyone with the writing of the letter.
There is thus no convincing proof that Muhammad could
write. But there is no improbability in his being able to do
so. He may quite well have learned the art in Meccah,
and if, as Tradition says, he conducted business for Khadljah
in his youth, he must surely have been able to keep accounts
in some form. The Meccan gibe reported in the Qur’an,
XXV, 6, “ Tales of the ancients, which he has written for
himself; they are recited to him morning and evening ”,
though it may possibly mean " has had written for himself ”,
shows that at least his critics thought he was working with
written material of some sort. His retort in v. 7 does not in
direct terms deny that he was doing so. Again, when hjs
opponents gibed at him about the verbosity of Allah, he re¬
torted, XVIII, 109: “ Were the sea ink for the words of my
Lord, the sea would fail before the words of my Lord would
fail, though w r e brought as much ink again ” ; or as in XXXI,
26: " Were the trees that are in the earth pens, and the sea
ink, with seven seas after it to swell it, the words of Allah
1 The full story is given in Ibn Hish&m, p. 747, where 'All is named as the
writer. Bukhari, 54, 15, gives much the same account, but simply says that
Muhammad called for a “ writer”; 53, 6a, *Alf refused to delete " Messenger
of God ”, Muhammad deleted it himself; 53, 6b, adds that he wrote " son of
'Abdallah ” instead; so also 64, 43, which adds that he was not good at writing ;
58, 19, expressly says he was unable to write, but made the deletion when *Ali
refused. * Ibn Hishftra, p. 423.
20
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
would not give out It seems probable that one who made
such retorts was using pen and ink. At any rate, should
study of the Qur’an require the assumption that he was
doing so, there can be no objection to it on the ground of
improbability.
The Value of Tradition .—Study of the Qur’an must, in
fact, be decisive in all questions regarding Muhammad.
Tradition with regard to his life, his sayings and doings is
profuse. With it there mingles a great deal of pious legend,
and it is by no means easy to distinguish what is historical
from what was invented for various purposes, or for no
purpose but the play of fancy, in the century or two following
upon his death. It is necessary therefore to emphasise that
for the whole history of Muhammad the Qur’an must be
regarded as the primary source. This is especially true of
the early part of his life. In his native town Muhammad
was not a person of great importance. In the later years of
•his residence there he did attract some attention, but there
were hardly any outstanding events to impress the popular
memory. Historical tradition for that period of his life was
therefore scanty, and pious imagination had a very free
course. For the last ten years of his life the case is different.
During that time he was much in the public eye, and was
the centre of memorable events. Concerning these there is a
sound historical tradition which enables us to fix the outline
of his life and to interpret many passages of the Qur’an.
Even here, however, the principle holds that the Qur’an is
the fundamental authority, and while Tradition may often
throw light on the Qur’an, we can only use Tradition in so
far as it is consistent with the Qur’an, or at any rate is not
inconsistent with the Qur’an properly understood.
MUHAMMAD’S CAREER
All intimate questions regarding the Prophet’s personality,
his inspiration, claims and purposes, can be answered only
on the basis of study of the Qur’an. But the Qur’an is so
closely related to the life of Muhammad that in approaching
MUHAMMAD
21
it we must have in our minds at least an outline of his career.
Muhammad was born in Meccah. The exact date is
uncertain, but is usually reckoned to have been A.D. 570 or
571. His father is said to have died before he was born, and
his mother when he was about six years old. The Qur’an
confirms that he was an orphan, that he was brought up in
the pagan religion, and began life in poverty ; see XCIII, 6-8,
which there seems to be no reason for taking otherwise than
literally. He was protected by his grandfather 'Abd al-
Muttalib, and later by an uncle Abu Talib. With the latter
he is said to have accompanied the trading caravan to
Syria. No credence can be given to the stories of his contact
with Christian monks at this stage. But there are indications
in the Qur’an that the route taken by the caravans to the
North was not unknown to him, and the references to ships
and the dangers of the sea are frequent enough to suggest
some personal experience of them. We may therefore accept
the view that he took part in trade in his youth, and it is *
probable that he gained a reputation for sagacity and faith¬
fulness. He was engaged by Khadijah, a widow of some
means, to conduct business on her behalf in the Syrian
caravan, and on his return she let it be known to him that
she would regard him favourably as a suitor. The marriage
which took place when he was about twenty-five proved a
happy one, and relieved him to some extent from poverty.
He seems never to have been, at any rate during his Meccan
residence, really wealthy; cf. XXV, 8 f.
When he was about forty years of age, that is, c. A.D. 610,
he began a religious mission in his native town of Meccah.
The well-known story of his Call to be a prophet cannot, un¬
fortunately, be accepted as historical. It is weakly attested,
and contains anachronisms and alien elements. 1 For the
beginnings of Muhammad's mission we are largely dependent
for information on what we can infer from the Qur’an itself.
The period of his religious activity in Meccah extended
to ten or twelve years, but there are few definite events
mentioned as having happened during that time; in any
case, as his r 61 e was that of a preacher and teacher of a new
1 See pp. 18 ftnd 31.
22
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
religion, his deliverances were hortatory and didactic, and
had little reference to contemporary events. Again we are
for the most part dependent upon the Qur’Sn itself for light
upon the development of his mission, and there is room for a
good deal of difference of opinion. The view here taken, for
which it is hoped the reasons will appear later, may be
briefly summarised as follows. Muhammad claimed to be
the Messenger of God to his own people and town. He began
by advocating monotheism, the worship of one God upon
whose power and bounty man was dependent, and in gratitude
to whom he owed obedience and the generous use of the
good things provided for him. The appearance of such a
messenger was nothing new. Each community had had its
messenger, and the rejection of the messenger had meant
the destruction of the community which had refused to
believe. Alongside this, not displacing it, appears later the
doctrine of a Day of Judgment, at which men will be judged
as individuals, and receive the reward of their conduct by
being consigned either to heaven or to hell, which arc
described with much detail. Borrowing from Jewish and
Christian sources is at this stage very evident, and the attitude
to previous monotheists is friendly. The chief religious rite
instituted in Meccah was the salat, or ritual prayer. Morn¬
ing and evening are the times spoken of, and night prayers
are recommended. Almsgiving and provision for the poor,
the widow, and the orphan are advocated as recognition of
God’s bounty.
Muhammad’s preaching in Meccah produced com¬
paratively little effect. A small number believed, mostly of
the poorer classes. Attacks upon the Meccan gods at length
drew down persecution upon his followers. A number of
them emigrated to Abyssinia. He himself and his sup¬
porters who belonged to Meccan families were protected by
the danger of starting blood-feuds, but the situation was
uncomfortable. An abortive attempt at a compromise with
polytheism, which is alleged by Tradition, seems to have
left a trace in surah LIII. Muhammad now lost hope of
Meccah and began to look around for another settlement.
He tried Ta’if without success. Negotiations with parties
MUHAMMAD
23
from Yathrib (Medinah) led, however, to agreement. In
September A.D. 622 (the first certain date of his career) he
left Meccah and settled in Medinah, whither most of his
supporters had already gone. This is known as the Hijrah
(Hegira).
In Medinah, Muhammad occupied a public position. He
and his supporters had been brought in as a balance between
the rivalries of the clans of Aus and Khazraj. He thus found
scope for his remarkable political gifts. Of more immediate
importance from the point of view of the Qur’an was his
relationship to the Jews, of whom there were strong colonies
in the neighbourhood of Medinah. He expected their sup¬
port as monotheists, and showed himself willing to learn and
adapt his religious practice to theirs. In spite of this, how¬
ever, they rejected his prophetic claims, and ridiculed him.
They opposed his political designs. His friendly attitude
changed to hostility. His revulsion from the religion of the
People of the Book to a purified Arab religion was marked
by the change of qiblah (direction of prayer) from Jerusalem
to Meccah, somewhere about the middle of the year II of
the Hijrah (December 623).
Hostilities had meanwhile been developing with the
Meccans. “ Those who had disbelieved ” deserved destruc¬
tion. Besides, the needs of the Muhajirln (the emigrants who
had left Meccah and come to Medinah) were pressing. Small
expeditions began to molest the Meccan caravans. Many
of his followers disliked this new warlike attitude, and the
people of Medinah were naturally doubtful where it would
lead. Further difficulty was caused by an attack on a small
caravan at Nakhlah at the beginning of Rajab II, which
raised the question of fighting in the sacred months. An
ambitious attempt to intercept one of the chief Meccan
caravans returning from Syria led to a battle at the wells of
Badr, in which Muhammad’s following of a little over 300
men defeated a Quraish army of nearly 1000, Ramadan II,
February 624. This greatly enhanced the Prophet’s prestige
and confirmed his claims. But the booty had not been so
great as had been expected, and difficulties arose as to the
division of it. The expulsion of one of the Jewish colonies,
c
24 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
the Ban! Qainuqa’, from Medinah followed in a little over
a month’s time.
The Quraish were known to be preparing to avenge their
defeat; Muhammad was building up his strength, regulating
his community, and making appeals for unity and for
contributions. In Shawwal III, March 625, a large Meccan
force appeared before Medinah. The feeling in the town was
in favour of remaining on the defensive. Muhammad ulti¬
mately decided to accept the Quraish challenge. He marched
out and took up his position at Uhud, a hill to the north of
the town ; on the way, however, a portion of his army broke
off and returned to the town. The Moslems were defeated,
but the Quraish, having no quarrel with Medinah, withdrew.
Muhammad, recovering from a slight wound and rallying
some of his forces, followed, and claimed a victory. His
position was, nevertheless, badly shaken, and for some
months he was occupied in restoring morale in Medinah.
The expulsion of the Ban! Nadir, another Jewish colony, in
the month of II Rabl* of the year IV, September 625, may
be taken as a sign that his ascendancy had been re-established.
Moslem propaganda and raiding were resumed. The Mec¬
cans, finding their trade still being interfered with, formed
a great coalition against Medinah, which, towards the end
of the year V, brought together a large force outside the
town. Muhammad had prepared a trench for the defence
of the town. This novelty in Arab warfare nonplussed the
attackers. As they lay inactive, the unity of the coalition
began to wear out, and a storm of wind and rain finally
dispersed it. The last remaining Jewish colony in Medinah
had been lured into expressing sympathy with the attackers,
and was immediately attacked and compelled to surrender.
The men were ruthlessly slaughtered, Dhu 1 -Hijjah V,
March 627.
A year later Muhammad thought himself strong enough
to force his way into Meccah. His Bedouin allies, however,
failed him. Professing peaceable intentions he set out,
ostensibly to perform the pilgrimage. He found his way
blocked by Meccan forces, and halting at the borders of the
karam, at Hudaibiyah, he entered into negotiations. The
MUHAMMAD
25
treaty here made was a disappointment to his followers, but
really marked the end of Meccan supremacy. It wasfollowed
in the beginning of the next year by an attack on the Jewish
colony of Khaibar, Muharram VII, May 628. The peaceful
pilgrimage provided for in the treaty of Hudaibiyah took
place in the pilgrimage month of that year, April 629. In
an expedition to extend his influence northward he unex¬
pectedly met strong Byzantine resistance and was defeated
at Mu’tah, I JumadS. VIII, September 629. Meccan influence
had been waning, and some leading Meccans had already
joined Muhammad in Medinah. A great expedition was
now got together to overwhelm the town. Negotiations
meanwhile took place, and Meccah was entered almost
without fighting, Ramadan VIII, December 629. The
Ka'bah was cleansed from idols, but the townspeople, most
of whom accepted Islam, were kindly dealt with.
Almost immediately, Muhammad was menaced by a
combination of Arab tribes, among whom his march south
had aroused suspicions. The Moslems met them at Hunain,
and at the first onset were almost swept from the field. The
veteran Medinan troops, however, held firm, and the others
rallied round them. The Arabs were defeated and fled in
confusion leaving a great amount of booty in Moslem hands,
Shawwal VIII, January 630. The prestige of the Prophet
was now established throughout Arabia, and deputations
began to come in from tribes far and near. The conditions
for their adherence were, the acceptance of Islam, the
destruction of idols, and the payment of the zakat or tax
for the support of the Moslem community.
An expedition towards the Syrian border, known as the
expedition to Tabuk, probably designed to avenge the defeat
at Mu’tah, led to nothing of importance, Rajab IX, October
630. This was the last warlike expedition in which the
Prophet took part. He led the pilgrimage of the year X,
March 632. Another expedition, destined for the North, was
being prepared, when he took ill and after a few days died,
I Rabi' XI, June 632.
Note on Chronology .—The Arab year was a lunar one, but was
kept roughly in accord with the seasons by the insertion of an extra
26 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
month (an-nasy), every three years or so. Muhammad abolished
this practice, ix, 36 f.; thus making the year purely lunar.
When, in the caliphate of ‘Omar, the Moslem era was established,
the beginning of the year in which the Hijrah (Migration to
Medinah) took place was taken as the beginning of year I. This
corresponds to 16th July a.d. 622. Approximately 33 Moslem
years are equal to 32 Christian years. The names and order of the
Arabic months are:
1. Muharram (Holy month). 7 - Rajab (Holy month).
2. §afar. 8- Sha'b&n.
3. ar-Rabl* nl-nwwnl (I Rabl*). 9 - Ramadan.
4. ar-Rabl' ath-th&ni (II Rabf). IO - Shawwftl.
5. Jumilda al-’Qla (I Jum&d 5 ). tl. Dhu l-Qa'dah (Holy month).
6. JumJldl al-ftkhirah (II Jumidi). 12. Dhu 1 -Hijjah (Holy month).
MUHAMMAD'S CHARACTER AND AIMS
As will have appeared from the above sketch, Muhammad's
activity as a religious teacher and reformer fell into two
sections of approximately equal length, that in Mcccah and
that in Medinah. His situation was very different in the
two periods. In Meccah he had no recognised position, and,
while he gained some adherents, they were neither numerous,
nor, except one or two individuals, influential, and their
position became gradually more and more untenable. In
Medinah he had from the first a position of influence as
holding the balance between two hostile factions. That
position may not have been exactly official, and was at first
precarious, but the ever-present fear of recurring strife dis¬
posed the leaders of the factions to accept his advice, and
prevented those who were doubtful of his policies, “ those in
whose hearts was disease ”, taking resolute measures against
him. Thus, in spite of the set-back occasioned by the defeat
at Uhud, his influence grew, and by the end of his life had
extended far across Arabia. This difference in the Prophet’s
position is naturally reflected in the style, tone and subject
of the Qur’an. But the line between Meccan and Medinan
style must not be too rigidly drawn. The statesman of
MUHAMMAD
27
Mcdinah was not necessarily incapable of producing passages
in the style of the religious propagandist of Meccah.
On the other hand, there was more development in
Muhammad’s ideas and opinions than has usually been
allowed for. It has indeed been generally recognised that
he began as a messenger to his native town of Meccah, and
that his conception of the scope of his mission extended to
include the Arabs, if not mankind as a whole. But it was
not only in this respect that his ideas changed and expanded.
His knowledge of Judaism and Christianity and of the
contents of their Scriptures was meagre to begin with, but
was diligently increased, not by way of study and reading—
for though not illiterate he was certainly no bookman—but
by oral enquiry as opportunity brought him into contact
with people who could give, or professed to be able to give,
information. Muhammad’s teaching retained throughout
its fundamental character, but there is hardly an aspect of
it which was not altered and enriched by this increasing
acquaintance with earlier religious ideas as time went on.
That has been dealt with in my Origin of Islam in its
Christian Environment ; the following treatment of the
Qur’an will bring it out more clearly.
We shall also see more clearly than before to what extent
Muhammad, prompted, as he would have said, by Allah, was
himself the architect of the success of Islam. Critical analysis
of the Qur’an brings out its effectiveness for the purpose of
religious awakening, for which it was originally designed.
And the more we are able to place the political deliverances
which it contains in their historical setting, the better we
realise the insight and ability of the man who delivered them.
Inflexible of purpose, yet ready to temporise and make con¬
cessions, diplomatic almost to the verge of dishonesty, he
steered his sometimes devious way to the establishment of
the worship of the One God in Medinah and all Arabia. One
feels that, without him, the struggle would, more than once,
have been lost, if indeed it had ever been begun.
There were, of course, various circumstances which
contributed to his success and prepared the way for Islam.
The wealth and civilisation of the Christian lands which
28 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
surrounded Arabia exercised a glamour upon the Arab mind
that made it not inhospitable to a religion similar to that which
prevailed there. The hold of the ancient paganism on the
Arabs had been loosened. In Meccah, which profited by its
religious position, there was no doubt an interest in preserv¬
ing the customary rites. But in Medinah paganism seems
to have crumbled easily; the presence of influential colonies
of Jews had no doubt helped to predispose the people to the
acceptance of monotheism. When, with the change of
qiblah, and the adoption of the Ka'bah as the centre of Islam,
the enlightened religion of the People of the Book had been
combined with ancient Arab practice, the demands of Arab
patriotism were satisfied. There must have been many
minds in Arabia to whom the idea of an inclusive brother¬
hood overriding the tribal divisions which gave rise to so
much strife and bloodshed, was attractive. But tradition
and custom, tribal pride and ambition, died hard ; and but
for the man who had conceived the idea, and guided the
infant community, Islam would undoubtedly have been
crushed. In some respects it was perhaps a pity that the
success of Islam was based upon temporal power and recourse
to war. On the other hand, but for his adroit use of the
influence which came to him and the military force which
he built upon it, the Arabs would not have been united under
the banner of Islam, and the history of the world would, at
least, have been very different.
It has sometimes been held that a man so gifted for
politics must have had this political aim before him from the
start. But this is to confound the secondary result with the
primary impulse. Muhammad was perhaps more akin to
the ecclesiastic than to the pious devotee, more the organiser
of a religion than the original seeker after truth, but there
is no doubt that the impulse which set him upon his mission
was a religious one, and that the religious aim was with him
the overruling motive all through. He sought and wielded
power, but it was for the furthering of monotheism and
Islam. The question of what induced Muhammad to take
up his mission and proclaim himself as the Messenger of God
to the Arabs is so intimately bound up with the problem of
MUHAMMAD
29
the chronological arrangement of the Qur’an that it can
hardly be treated apart from that. But it may be pointed
out here that in no chronological arrangement which has
been suggested docs the political motive appear early.
Further, wherever the Qur’an speaks of previous messengers,
they are represented as having come with a religious message,
a call to the worship of One God ; and it is agreed that the
accounts of these predecessors are largely moulded by
Muhammad’s own experience. It is therefore as a religious
personality that he is to be regarded. In fact it may be said
that without a deep realisation of the religious fear which
drove him forward and the religious conviction which gave
him strength, it is impossible to understand the personality
of Muhammad.
MUHAMMAD’S INSPIRATION
One point calls for fuller treatment here, because it has
affected men’s judgment upon the character of Muhammad,
and has, besides, intimate bearings upon the whole conception
and composition of the Qur’an. Muhammad claimed to be
a prophet, and to speak in the name of God. It will perhaps
appear in what follows that he was much more modest in his
claims, at any rate to begin with, than cither Moslem or
Western scholars have assumed. It was, in fact, only as he
measured himself against the ideas of Jews and. Christians
as to the authority and inspiration of prophets that his claims
grew. Probably it was not until after he had transferred to
Medinah that he claimed the full authority of a prophet.
Still, he did claim that position and authority, and long before
that time he had claimed to speak in the name of God, and
had even put forth deliverances purporting to be in the actual
words of God. How are we to understand this ? Did he
make false claims ? Or was there some reality behind the
assertion ? What was the nature of his inspiration ?
The answer formerly so frequently given that he was a
false prophet who pretended to receive messages from God,
we may discard, if for no other reason than that it is too
3 o INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
simple. There is sufficient evidence in the Qur’Sn itself,
apart from Tradition, that the claim brought upon him
ridicule and even persecution, against which only some real
belief could have held its ground. He may have been mis¬
taken in the interpretation of his experience, but there must
have been something which led him to the belief that he
received messages from a divine source. We must try to
gather what information we can as to how he thought these
messages were given to him.
Since Carlyle laughed out of court the idea of an impostor
being the founder of one of the world’s great religions, various
attempts have been made to save Muhammad’s sincerity—
sometimes at the expense of his sanity. Weil seeks to
prove that he suffered from epilepsy. Sprcnger, not content
with this, dilates on the phenomena of hysteria, from which,
he suggests, Muhammad suffered in addition Muir retains
something of the false-prophct idea, and pictures the earnest
high-souled messenger and preacher succumbing to the
wiles of Satan for the sake of success. Margoliouth has no
qualms about accusing him of having deliberately mystified
the people, pointing to the phenomena of spiritualism as
showing how easily human beings fall into that dishonesty.
Noeldcke, while insisting on the reality of Muhammad’s
prophetic inspiration, and rejecting the idea that he suffered
from epilepsy, thinks that he was subject to overpowering
fits of emotion which led him to believe that he was under
divine influences. In all this perhaps more attention has
been paid to the statements of Tradition than to the evidence
of the Qur’ 5 n itself; and surely too little has been allowed
for the fact that the Muhammad whom we know best was
to all appearance healthy both in body and in mind. It
seems incredible that a person subject to epilepsy, or hysteria,
or even ungovernable fits of emotion, could have been the
active leader of expeditions, or the cool far-seeing guide of a
city-state and growing religious community, which we know
Muhammad to have been. Here again we have to depend
mainly on the Qur’an itself, and accept Tradition only in so
far as it is in harmony with the results of Qur’an study. |
Now the Qur’Sn gives no support to the existence of any
MUHAMMAD
3 ‘
diseased condition in the Prophet. It chronicles, apparently
without reserve, the gibes and reproaches of his opponents,
but there is no mention of anything of that kind. They do
indeed say that he is majnun , but that simply means that
they thought his conduct crazy, or that his utterances were
inspired by a jinn, as those of the soothsayers were supposed
to be. Sometimes one almost feels that Muhammad him¬
self was not quite sure on that point. But that his opponents
could point to any evident signs of disease is very improbable;
had that been so, wc should most likely have heard of it.
One of the latest and clearest accounts of the matter in
the Qur’an is in II, 91, where Gabriel is said to have brought
it (the revelation) down upon the Prophet’s heart, with the
permission of Allah. That this was the explanation which
Muhammad gave out and allowed to be understood in his
Medinan days is certain. Tradition is unanimous on the
point that it was Gabriel who was the agent of revelation.
But when Tradition carries this back to the very beginning,
and associates Gabriel with the Call, we are struck by the
fact that Gabriel is only twice mentioned in the Qur’an, both
times in Medinan passages. Gabriel, wc suspect, is a later
interpretation of something which Muhammad had at first
understood otherwise. It is to be noted that the verse above
referred to makes no claim that Gabriel appeared in visible
form. Muhammad claims to have seen a vision on two
occasions, see Lin, 1-12, 13-18. Strictly read, these passages
imply visions of Allah; but in LXXXI, 15-29, the vision is
re-interpreted as that of an angel—an indication that Muham¬
mad himself interpreted some things in his experience
differently at different times. Having at first assumed that
he had seen Allah in person, he has now realised the im¬
possibility of that and concluded that it must have been a
messenger from Allah, that is, an angel. Similarly with
the reception of his messages, he may have interpreted the
matter differently at the beginning from the interpretation
he put upon it in Medinah. That the visions, however we
may explain them, were to Muhammad real enough, there
is no reason to doubt. But they stand by themselves; he
makes no claim to have seen other visions. There is just as
32 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
little in the Qur’an to support the supposition, which Tor
Andrae adopts, that he heard voices. In XLII, 50 ff. both
the visible appearance of Allah and the hearing of His voice
are rejected, and the explanation adopted is that He may
speak by ' suggestion ’ or send a messenger to * suggest \
What then is meant by ‘ suggest * and ‘ suggestion * ? The
verb awftd and the noun wahy have become the technical
terms in Moslem theology for the communication of the
revelation to Muhammad, and have come to imply the recita¬
tion of the words of the Qur’ln to him by the angel Gabriel.
In the Qur’an itself they are indeed the words commonly
used in that connection, but they arc not confined to it.
The word awha is used in XIX, 12 of Zachariah, who having
become dumb signed {awha) to the people that they should
glorify God. Satans of jinn and men * suggest ’ things to
each other, VI, 12 1 . The recipient of wahy, even from
Allah, is not always a prophet, or even a human being.
Allah * suggests ’ to the bee to take houses for herself in the
hills and trees and the arbours which men erect, XVI, 70.
The earth gives up its dead because its Lord has ‘ suggested ’
to it so to do, XCIX, 2. Allah ‘ suggested ’ to each of the
seven heavens its special function, XLI, 11. Even when the
recipient is a prophet, what is communicated is usually not
the words of a revelation, but a practical line of conduct,
something to do, not to say. Thus it is ‘ suggested ' to Noah
to build the ark, and he is to build it under Allah’s eyes
and at His ‘suggestion ’, XI, 39, xvil, 41. To Moses it is
1 suggested ’ to set out with his people by night, XX, 79,
XXVI, 52, to strike the sea with his staff, XXVI, 63, to strike
the rock with his staff, vn, 160. To Muhammad himself it
is * suggested ’ that he should follow the religion of Abraham,
XVI, 124. These practical ‘ suggestions ’ are often, it is true,
formulated in direct speech, as if a form of words had been
put into a person's mind. There are cases too in which the
formula has reference to doctrine rather than to conduct;
for example, “ Your God is One God ”, XVIII, 110, XXI, 108,
XLI, 5. But the formula is usually quite short, the sort of
phrase, it may be remarked, which might flash into a person’s
mind after consideration of a matter as the final summing up
MUHAMMAD
33
and solution of it. There arc indeed a few passages in which
the verb seems to mean the communication of somewhat
lengthy pieces to the prophet; for example, III, 39, XI, 51,
XII, 103* But even in them the actual verbal communication
of the stories is not quite certainly implied. The funda¬
mental sense of the word as used in the Qur’Sn seems to be
the communication of an idea by some quick suggestion or
prompting, by, as we might say, a flash of inspiration. This
agrees with what is given in the dictionaries (see Lisin al-
' Arab, s.v.) which implies that haste or quickness is part of
the connotation of the root.
The frequent use of this term in connection with the
Prophet’s inspiration makes us suspect that there was some¬
thing short and sudden about it. If now we suppose that
Muhammad was one of those brooding spirits to whom,
after a longer or shorter period of intense absorption in a
problem, the solution comes in a flash, as if by suggestion
from without, his use of the word would be intelligible. Nor
is this merely a supposition. All the evidence goes to show
that the Prophet, accessible enough in the ordinary inter¬
course of men, had yet something withdrawn and separate
about him. In the ultimate issue he took counsel with
himself and followed his own decisions. If decisions did
come to him in this way, it was perhaps natural that he should
attribute them to outside suggestion. The experience was
mysterious to him. He had before him the example of the
kdhins, who probably claimed that they spoke by outside
prompting. Once or twice, probably near the beginning of
his mission, when his hesitations had caused him more than
usually intense and long-continued mental exertion, the
decision had come to him accompanied by a vision. He had
assumed that it was Allah who had appeared to him and
suggested that he should speak to the people in public. It
is to be noted that in Lin, where these visions are described,
nothing is said about the Qur’an. It is simply a * suggestion ’
which came to him, and it is his ‘ speaking ’ which he is
explaining and defending. It was to that, then, that the
' suggestion ’ referred.
But if he was to speak to the people, he had to find words
34
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
in which to speak. That he took trouble about this wc know
from LXXIII, 1-8, where wc see the Prophet at the work of
composing the Qur’an, choosing the night-hours as being
" strongest in impression and most just in speech ”, that is,
the time when ideas are clearest, and fitting words most
readily found. 1 A similar experience of the words coming
in the end after effort and meditation, easily as if by inspira¬
tion, may well have led him to extend the idea of suggestion
from without to the actual words of his deliverances. A
curious little passage, which has been preserved as a scrap
in LXXV, 16 ff., seems to show him deliberately cultivating
this : “ Move not thy tongue that thou mayest do it quickly ;
Ours it is to collect it and recite it; when we recite it follow
thou the recitation; then Ours it is to explain it This
has always been taken as referring to the reception of the
Qur’an, and if we try to get behind the usual mechanical
interpretation we can picture Muhammad in the throes of
composition. He has been seeking words which will flow
and rhyme and express his meaning, repeating phrases
audibly to himself, trying to force the continuation before
the whole has become clear. He is being admonished or, as
we should say, he realises and admonishes himself, that
this is not the way; he must not “ press ”, but wait for the
inspiration which will give the words without this impatient
effort to find them. When his mind has calmed, and the
whole has taken shape, the words will come ; and when they
do come, he must take them as they are given him. If they
are somewhat cryptic—as they may well happen to be—they
can be explained later. If that be the proper interpretation
of the passage, it throws light on a characteristic of the
Qur’an which has often been remarked on, namely, its dis¬
jointedness. For passages composed in such fashion must
almost of necessity be comparatively short.
This, then, it seems to me, is the thread of reality that runs
through Muhammad’s claim to inspiration. It has analogies
to the experience which poets refer to as the coming of the
muse, or more closely to what religious people describe as
the coming of guidance after meditation and waiting upon
1 Bell, Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment , p. 97 f.
MUHAMMAD
35
God. “ Guidance is in fact one of his favourite words for
the message, though it is used in rather a different sense.
This experience he interpreted in various ways. At first he
assumed that it was Allah who spoke to him, just as he had
assumed that it was Allah who had appeared to him in his
visions. Then, according to XLII, 50 ff., this idea was rejected
in favour of the idea of a spirit implanted within him. Later,
when through increasing familiarity with Jewish and Christian
ideas he had learned of angels as the messengers of God, he
assumed that it was angels who brought the message. Finally,
he adopted Gabriel as the special angel who prompted him
on Allah’s behalf. We shall find passages of the Qur’an
illustrating all these various ideas. But always the essence
of the experience is the same : he was prompted, ‘ sugges¬
tions ’ were made to him, the message was brought down upon
his heart. That these promptings came ultimately from a
divine source, however mediated, he was convinced. He may,
indeed, have had occasional doubts. He realised, perhaps as
a result of the false step which he made in recognising the
pagan deities as intercessors, and of other mistakes which he
may have made, that Satan might take a hand in the prompt¬
ing, XXII, 51. The assurances that he was not mad, or
prompted by a jinn, may have been partly meant for himself.
But on the whole he held firmly to his belief, and upon it he
built up his claims to authority. These were in some respects
modest enough. He was only a human being to whom
‘suggestions’ were made, XVIII, 110, XLI, 5. But this
guidance by * suggestion ’ was all that the prophets had
experienced ; only to Moses had God spoken directly, xvil,
103. Thus to all the authority of a prophet he could lay
claim.
That this experience of ‘ suggestion ’ or ' guidance ’ is
a real one, no one who has ever become deeply absorbed in
a difficult problem will deny. But the habit of expecting
such experiences, and the attempt to induce them, are not
without their dangers. We cannot force the answer which
we wish, or indeed any answer, at the time we wish it.
Muhammad seems to have experienced this also, XVIII,
23. It is when the mind is more or less passive that such
36 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
* suggestions * come, but it makes a great difference whether
this passive attitude is the result of a heavy strain upon the
mental and spiritual powers, or is cultivated as a state of
more or less mental vacancy. Between these two poles
there is the danger of meditation becoming brooding over
passing troubles, or of allowing too easy a response to
external stimuli. Of some of these dangers Muhammad
seems to have, at times, been conscious, as is shown by
V, ioi, XXII, 51. But it may be questioned whether he
always guarded sufficiently against them. Once he had
become accustomed to the idea of being guided in this way,
he cultivated the attitude of receiving such messages, and
often mistook his own brooding reaction to events for the
divine afflatus. In later life when events pressed upon him
and decisions were imperative, and questions arose which
he could not avoid answering, he did no doubt try to force
the revelation, and acquired facility in getting the answer
which he desired. Nor need we deny that he was capable
of practising a certain amount of mystification regarding his
communications from Allah. He surrounded them with
some degree of awe and mystery. This does not detract
from the sincerity of his own belief in them. They were
mysterious to himself, and if they were what he believed
them to be, they were worthy of awe. He regarded them
always as something separate and distinct. Nor were they
always, even in his later days, in accord with his own natural
desires. As, at the first, he maintained that he did not speak
of his own desire, so, in Medinah, we find him being exhorted
to steadfastness when his inclination was to compromise,
urged to policies which he felt to be difficult, and taken to
task for things which he had done or omitted to do. That
could not have been altogether a pose.
Of the essential sincerity of Muhammad there need be
no question. We need not, however, go to the other extreme
and picture him as a modem saint. The age was a rude
one to our ideas, even in the most enlightened parts of the
world, and Arabia was not one of these.
CHAPTER II
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
ITS DELIVERY, COLLECTION
AND AUTHENTICITY
Theological Doctrine. —According to the received doctrine
of Islam the Qur’an is eternal; it is the uncreated Word of
God. The doctrine is thus stated by Abu Hanlfah : “ The
Qur’an is the speech of Allah, written in the copies, pre¬
served in the memories, recited by the tongues, revealed to
the Prophet. Our pronouncing, writing and reciting the
Qur’an is created, whereas the Qur’an itself is uncreated ”
( Al-fiqh al-akbar, as translated by Wensinck, The Muslim
Creed , p. 189). That is how the Logos-idea, which in
Christianity is the basis of the doctrine of the eternally
begotten Son, takes shape in Islam. The Qur’an is the
Eternal Word in book-form. More popularly and concretely,
if with less theological exactitude, the original of the Qur’an
is thought of as a book preserved in (the seventh) heaven
in the presence of God. This is assumed to be what is
meant by the preserved tablet, lawh mahjustt spoken of in
LXXXV, 22. Sometimes it is thought of as having been sent
down to the nearest heaven on the night of power, lailat al-
qadar, described in XCVII, so as to be available for revelation
to the Prophet by the angel Gabriel. Muhammad is thus
not the author, but only the recipient of the Qur’an.
The Delivery of the Qur dn. —This high doctrine of the
divine origin of the Qur’an does not, however, extend to its
present order and arrangement. Popularly, of course, that
is taken as fixed and settled for all time. But Moslem
scholars have always recognised that the present arrange¬
ment is not the order in which the passages of which it is
composed were revealed. The Qur’an was not revealed all
at once, but in separate pieces, XXV, 34. Tradition
37
38 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
distributes these pieces over some twenty years. Apart from
a break, fatrah, of two years immediately after his Call, the
revelations are represented as coming upon Muhammad at
frequent intervals up to the time of his death. Practically all
passages that can be interpreted as referring to contemporary
events or circumstances have special * occasions * assigned
to them. These ' occasions ' are not always agreed upon,
and to a critical eye are often founded rather upon im¬
aginative exegesis than upon recollections handed down.
But Tradition does thus recognise the close relation between
the Qur’an and the personal history of the Prophet. That
he recited the revelations is attested by the Qur’an as well
as by Tradition. The prevailing view is that the words of
the revelations were given him by the angel Gabriel, and he,
having memorised them, or having had them impressed
upon his memory, recited them to the people. With regard
to the preservation of these revelations, all the traditions
agree that Muhammad did not write them himself ; several
speak of his having employed others to write them, and
certain persons are named as having done so (N-S., I,
p. 46). This seems to imply that, at any rate in the later years
of his life, he kept a written record of the revelations, as
indeed the nature of the passages almost necessitates his
having done. But when we come to the traditions dealing
with the collection of the Qur’an, the impression we get as
to the condition in which it had been left at the Prophet’s
death is quite different.
The Collection of the Qurdn .—The tradition as to the
collection of the Qur’an after Muhammad’s death seems to
assume that up to that time there had been no authoritative
record of the revelations. Some passages had been used in
the ritual prayer, and would of course be well known. For
the rest, some believers had memorised them, some more,
some less; and some had written out portions for their own
use. The tradition says that in the battle of Yamamah, a
year or so after the Prophet’s death, so many ‘readers’ of the
Qur’an, that is, persons who had it, or portions of it, by
heart, were killed, that ‘Omar b. al-Khattab (afterwards the
second caliph) became alarmed lest some of the Qur’5n
39
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
should be lost altogether unless something were done to
preserve it. He therefore suggested to Abu Bakr, the caliph,
that the Qur’an should be collected and written down. Abu
Bakr at first refused to do what the Prophet himself had not
done, but was finally persuaded. He commissioned Zaid b.
Thabit, who had already acted as one of the Prophet’s
secretaries, to do what 'Omar had suggested. Zaid then
collected the Qur’an " from pieces of paper, stones, palm-
Icavcs, shoulder-blades, ribs, bits of leather, and from the
hearts of men ”, that is, from their memories and the various
kinds of writing material which had been used for writing
portions of it down. He copied out what he collected on
sheets (juhuf), and when his work was finished he handed it
over to the caliph.
Criticism of this Tradition .—Apart from the fact that
there are, as we have seen, traditions which imply that the
Prophet kept some record of his revelations, this tradition is
open to certain criticisms. There arc many discrepancies in
the various versions of the tradition. They are not even
unanimous as to the originator of the idea: generally it is
'Omar who is said to have been the moving spirit in the
matter, but sometimes it is said to have been Abu Bakr who
ordered it on his own initiative. Discrepancies are, however,
a common feature of often-repeated traditions, and we cannot
attach great weight to them. But the reason given for the
step, namely the death of a large number of ‘ readers ’ in
the battle of Yamamah, has also been questioned. For in the
lists of those who fell in that campaign, very few (according
to Schwally, 1 only two) are mentioned who were likely to
have had much of the Qur’an by heart. Those killed were
mostly recent converts. Besides, according to the tradition
itself, a good deal of the Qur’an was already written in some
form or other, so that the death of some of those who could
recite it from memory need not have given rise to the fear that
much of the Qur’an would be lost. Thirdly, an official
collection of this kind might have been expected to have
had wider authority attributed to it than we anywhere find
evidence of. Other collections of the Qur’an seem to have
* N-S., II, p. 20.
D
40 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
been regarded as authoritative in different provinces. The
disputes which led to the recension of the Qur’an under
'Othman could hardly have arisen if there had been an official
codex in the caliph's possession to which reference could
have been made. And the way in which ‘Omar himself is
represented in other traditions as insisting that the “verse of
stoning” 1 was in the Qur’an, is hardly consistent with his
having in his possession an official collection. Lastly, and
most significant of all, the suhuf on which Zaid wrote the
Qur’an were, at the time when the revision came to be made,
in the keeping of Hafsah. Now Hafsah was ‘Omar’s daughter,
and we are apparently to assume that ‘Omar, having become
caliph by the time Zaid finished his work, the suhuf were
handed to him, and from him passed to his daughter. But
if Zaid’s collection were an official one, it seems hardly
probable that it would pass out of official keeping, even into
the hands of the caliph’s daughter. That Hafsah had a copy
of the Qur’an on fukuf seems certain ; but it hardly appears
that it was an official copy made in the official way that
Tradition asserts.
Pre- Othmanic Qurans .—It is of course possible that
Zaid b. Thabit did make a collection of the Qur’an. Schwally 2
suggests that he did so on Hafsah’s commission, but gives
no very cogent reason why Haf$ah in particular should have
desired to have a copy of the Qur’an made. Quite a number
of people are said to have collected the Qur’an in these early
days. Of these early collections little is known, though variant
readings are sometimes quoted as having occurred in them.’
There are, however, four collections, or editions, of the
Qur’an which, in the interval between Muhammad’s death
and the formation of a definitive text, seem to have been
current in different districts and to have been regarded as
authoritative there. They arc (i) that of Ubayy b. Ka'b,
whose readings are said to have been followed by the people
of Syria ; (2) that of ‘Abdallah b. Mas'ud, the great authority
on Islam in Kufah, whose readings were accepted by the
people of that district; (3) that of Abu Musa al-Ash‘ari,
who was associated mainly with Basrah ; and (4) that of
1 See below, p. 48. * N-S., II, p. 22.
41
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
Miqdad b. 'Amr, whose readings are said to have been
accepted by the people of Hims.
No copies of these collections, or editions, have survived.
Concerning those of Abu Musa and Miqdad b. 'Amr we
know very little. Of the other two, some information is given
by later writers. In addition to a considerable number of
variant readings attributed to them, which indeed affect
mainly the vowels and punctuation but in some cases affect
the consonantal text, we have lists of the surahs (chapters)
in each. The order of the surahs is different in each from
that of the official Qur’ 5 n, and from that of the other. But
on the whole, as in the official Qur’an, the long surahs come
first. The names of the surahs, in the main, agree, and,
while that might have been due to the later transcribers of
the lists having used the names by which the surahs were
ordinarily known, there is no indication that the actual
surahs differed from those usually accepted. Ibn Mas'ud
did not include the two last surahs—they are of the nature
of prayers or charms, and may never have been intended to
form part of the actual Qur’an. The first surah, the Fdtihah ,
is also a prayer, placed at the beginning of the book. Whether
Ibn Mas'ud included it in his Qur’an or not, is not quite
certain. Ubayy seems to have included all three, the first
and the two last, and to have had in addition two others which
are not in our present Qur’an. The text of these is given by
later writers They are short prayers and, to judge by their
language, are not Qur’anic. 1
On the whole, then, the information we have regarding
these independent Qur’ans (if independent they were) does
not lead us to suspect that there was any great variation in
the actual contents of the Qur’an in the period immediately
after the Prophet’s death. The order of the surahs was
perhaps not fixed, and the reading varied somewhat; of
other differences we have no evidence. The position is
obscure, but, as far as we can make out, the Qur’an at this
period consisted pretty much of what was afterwards included
in the official recension. It seems reasonable to suppose that
such copies as existed were somehow related to what lay
* Cf. N-S., II, p. 34 ff-
42 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
behind that recension. As to how or why these collections
were made, Tradition gives us no information. But as the
teaching of the Qur’an was one of the duties of the agents
of Islam even in the Prophet’s life-time, we may suspect that
these agents were not left to depend entirely on their memories,
but that some written record of the revelations was made
and furnished to them.
The 'Othmanic Recension .—The tradition as to what led
up to the next step in the fixing of the form of the Qur’an
implies that serious differences of reading did exist, in the
copies of the Qur’an current in the various districts. During
the expedition against Armenia and Azerbaijan, we are
told, disputes concerning the reading of the Qur’an arose
amongst the troops, who were drawn partly from Syria and
partly from Iraq. The disputes were serious enough to
lead the general, tfudhaifah, to lay the matter before the
caliph, 'Othman, and to urge him to take steps to put an
end to these differences. The caliph took counsel with the
leaders of Islam, and finally commissioned Zaid b. Thabit
to revise the Qur’an. With Zaid were associated three
membets of noble Meccan families. One of the principles
to be followed, according to the Tradition, was that, in case
of difficulty as to the reading, the dialect of Quraish, the
tribe to which the Prophet belonged, was to be given the
preference. The whole Qur’an was carefully revised and
compared with the suhuf, which had been in Hafsah’s keep¬
ing and were returned to her when the work was finished.
Thus an authoritative text of the Qur’an was established.
A number of copies were made and distributed to the main
centres of Islam. As to the exact number of these standard
codices, and the places to which they were sent, Tradition
varies; but probably one copy was retained in Medinah,
and one was sent to each of the towns, Kufah, Basrah and
Damascus, and possibly also to Meccah. Previously existing
copies are said to have been then destroyed, so that the text
of all subsequent copies of the Qur’an should be based upon
those standard codices.
This revision under 'Othman, which may be dated some¬
where between the year XXX and 'Othman’s death in
43
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
XXXV, or about twenty years after Muhammad’s death, is
the cardinal point in the formation of what we may call the
canon of the Qur’an. Whatever may have been the form of
the Qur’an before that time, and as to that Tradition is by
no means clear, we can be fairly certain that the book retains
still the form then established. That recension fixed the
number and order of the surahs or chapters, and it estab¬
lished the consonantal text. Arabic had as yet no means of
indicating the vowels, beyond the use of weak consonants
in the text for the indication of long vowels. It is also
questionable to what extent the diacritical points which dis¬
tinguish different consonants of the Arabic alphabet were
then in use. There remained therefore considerable room
for variations in reading. As a matter of fact, we find in the
history of the text of the Qur’an a great number of variant
readings.* But the great bulk of these affect only the vocalisa¬
tion and the pointing of the letters ; comparatively few
affect the outline of the consonantal text. We hear of a
later revision of the Qur’an in the reign of 'Abd-al-malik,
associated with the name of Al-Hajjaj, the famous governor
of Iraq. It was no doubt an attempt to fix the vocalisation
and to obtain a uniform reading. There were even later
attempts to do that; but they were never completely suc¬
cessful. It became orthodox doctrine that seven varying ways
of reading the Qur’an were canonical; and, though the
tendency towards uniformity still operates, that remains the
orthodox view. There can, however, be no doubt that all
these seven ways of reading the Qur’an are based upon the
‘Othmanic revision.
Authenticity of the Quran .—If now we ask what guar¬
antee there is that this revision reproduced the actual revela¬
tions delivered by Muhammad, the answer will depend
largely on actual study of the Qur’an itself, and on the extent
to which what is contained in it approves itself to historical
criticism as fitting into the Prophet's life. But we may stress
the fact that this revision was based on written documents
previously existing. The official collection by express
authority of the caliph Abu Bakr is, as we have seen, some¬
what doubtful. But a mass of written documents of some
44 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
kind was in Haf§ah’s possession. Of that fact there is no
doubt. If we reject the assumption that they were an official
collection made by Zaid, we must find some other explana¬
tion of what they were. It is clear that they were regarded
as authoritative, and were taken as the basis of ‘Othman’s
Qur’an. Other collections of the Qur’an were in existence,
and there must have been a considerable number of people
who knew them, or parts of them, by heart. It is not likely
that any great changes in the way of addition, suppression
or alteration could have been made without controversy
having arisen. Of that there is little trace. 'Othman offended
the more religious among the Moslems, and ultimately be¬
came very unpopular. But among the charges laid against
him, that of having mutilated or altered the Qur’an is not
generally included, and was never made a main point against
him. The Shi'ah, it is true, has always held that the Qur’an
was mutilated by the suppression of much which referred to
'All and the Prophet’s family. But this charge is directed
not specially against ‘Othman, but equally against the first
two caliphs, under whose auspices the first collection is
assumed to have been made. It is also founded on dogmatic
assumptions which hardly appeal to modern criticism. On
general grounds, we may conclude that the 'Othmanic re¬
vision was honestly carried out, and reproduced, as closely
as was possible to the men in charge of it, what Muhammad
had delivered. Study of the Qur’an will, in my opinion,
confirm that conclusion.
Modern study of the Qur’an has not in fact raised any
serious question of its authenticity. The style varies, but
is almost unmistakable. So clearly does the whole bear the
stamp of the Prophet that doubts of its genuineness hardly
arise. The authenticity of a few verses has indeed been
questioned. The great French scholar Silvestre de Sacy
expressed doubts regarding m, 138. This speaks of the
possible death of Muhammad, and is the verse said in a
well-known tradition to have been quoted by Abu Bakr,
when 'Omar refused to believe the report of the death of
the Prophet, which actually had occurred. Weil* extended
1 G. Weil, Einleitung in den Koran, 2nd ed., p. 52.
45
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
these doubts to a number of other passages which imply the
mortality of the Prophet: III, 182, XXI, 36 f., XXIX, 57,
XXXIX, 31. Abu Bakr, however, is hardly likely to have
invented III, 138 for the occasion; nor docs the fact that
'Omar and others professed never to have heard such a
verse, weigh very much. The complete Qur’an was not
circulating among Muhammad’s followers in written form
for them to study, and a verse once delivered may easily
have been forgotten in the course of years, even by one who
happened to hear it. If the verse docs not fit quite smoothly
into the context, that is because it is a substitution for the
one which follows, as the recurrence of the same rhyme-
phrase shows. It fits admirably into the historical situation,
for it is a reference, put into an address delivered before
Uhud and re-delivered after the defeat, to the report which
had spread during the battle and had no doubt contributed
to the rout, that Muhammad had been killed. There is no
reason to question the authenticity of a verse so suited to the
circumstances.
As for the other verses which imply the mortality of the
Prophet, as Schwally 1 points out, they fit well into their
contexts and are quite in accord with Muhammad’s thought.
The humanity and mortality of the Prophet was part of the
controversy between him and his opponents, and to take
that out of the Qur’an would be to remove some of its most
characteristic portions.
Weil 2 also questioned the authenticity of the famous
verse xvn, 1, in which reference is made to the night journey
to Jerusalem. His arguments are that there are no other
references to such a night journey in the Qur’an, that it is
contrary to Muhammad’s usual claim to be simply a mes¬
senger and not a wonder-worker, that so far as there is any
basis for the later legend in Muhammad’s life, it is merely a
dream or vision, and that the verse has no connection with
what follows. As matters of fact these arguments are correct;
but they hardly bear the inference based on them. If we
take the verse by itself, without the structure of later legend
built upon it, there is nothing in it very much out of keeping
« N-S., II, p. 82. * Op. dt. p. 74-
46 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
with Muhammad's other claims; and there are so many
other unconnected verses in the Qur’an that we can hardly
make that an argument against this one in particular.
Finally, Weil 1 questioned XLVI, 14 on the ground that
Tradition makes it refer to Abu Bakr, and that presumably
it was invented in his honour. But no one who knows the
traditional exegesis of the Qur’an will lay much stress on a
reference of that kind. It is full of guesses as to the particular
person to whom a verse refers. This particular verse is quite
general, and simply develops an injunction several times
repeated in the Qur’an.
Hirschfeld 2 has also questioned the authenticity of
certain other verses, in which the name Muhammad occurs,
on the ground that this was not the Prophet’s real name but
was bestowed upon him later. There may be something
suspicious in such a name, meaning ‘ Praised ’, being borne
by the Prophet; but even if it were an assumed name, it
might have been adopted in his own life-time. It occurs,
not only in the Qur’an, but in documents handed down by
Tradition, the constitution of Medinah, and the treaty of
Hudaibiyah; in the last the Quraish are said to have
objected to the title rasul Allah , and to ar-Rahman as a
name of God, but raised no question about the name Muham¬
mad. Further, though it docs not appear to have been
common, there is evidence that Muhammad was in use as a
proper name before the time of the Prophet. There is there¬
fore no real reason to doubt that it was his real name.
The most serious attack upon the reliability of the book
and the good faith of the collectors was that made by the
French scholar, Casanova, in his book, Mohammed et la fin
du monde, published 1911-1924. His thesis is a development
of the view that Muhammad was moved to undertake his
mission by the impression made on him by the idea of the
approaching Judgment. Casanova thinks that he must have
come under the influence of some Christian sect which laid
great stress on the near approach of the end of the world.
1 Op. rit. p. 76.
* Hirschfeld, Netv Researches into the Composition and Exegesis of the
Qur An, p. 138 ff.
47
THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
That formed the main theme of his early deliverances and
an essential part of his message from beginning to end of his
prophetic activity. As the event, however, did not sub¬
stantiate his prophecy, the leaders of early Islam so manipu¬
lated the Qur’an as to remove that doctrine from it, or at
least conceal its prominence. This thesis has not found much
acceptance, and it is unnecessary to refute it in detail. The
main objection to it is that it is not founded upon study of
the Qur’an so much as upon investigation of some of the by¬
ways of early Islam. From this point of view, the book still
has value. But when Casanova deals with the Qur’an itself,
his statements often display incorrect exegesis and a total
lack of appreciation for the historical development of Muham¬
mad’s teaching. As to his main thesis, it is perfectly true
that Muhammad proclaimed the coming Judgment and the
end of the world. It is true that sometimes he hinted that
it might be near; sec, for example, XXI, r, xxvil, 73 f. In
other passages he disclaims knowledge of times, and there
are great differences in the urgency with which he proclaims
the doctrine in different parts of the Qur’an. But all this is
perfectly natural if we regard Muhammad as a living man,
faced by both personal problems and outward difficulties in
carrying out a task to which he had set his hand. Casanova’s
thesis makes little allowance for the changes that must have
affected the utterances of a man in Muhammad's position
through twenty years of ever-changing circumstances. Our
acceptance of the Qur’an as authentic is based, not on any
assumption that it is consistent in all its parts—it is not—
but on the fact that, however difficult it may be to understand
in detail, it does, on the whole, fit into a real historical
experience, and bears the stamp of an elusive, but, in out¬
standing characteristics, quite intelligible personality.
Is the Quran complete ?—If we raise the question
whether the Qur’Sn, as we have it, contains all that Muham¬
mad delivered, the answer is more difficult. It is difficult to
prove a negative; and we cannot be sure that no part of the
Qur’an delivered by Muhammad has been lost. Tradition,
in fact, gives a number of verses as belonging to the Qur’an
which do not stand in our present book. These may be
48 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
found collected and examined in N-S., I, pp. 234 ff. The
most famous of them is the “ verse of stoning ”, a verse in
which stoning is prescribed as punishment for persons of
mature age guilty of fornication. The caliph 'Omar is said
to have been very positive that this was laid down in the
Qur’an, until he was convinced of the contrary by lack of
evidence to support his opinion. The verse does not fit very
well into either of the surahs to which Tradition assigns it,
XXIV and XXXIII, though the former does deal with fornication,
v. 2 f. It must therefore remain doubtful whether it was ever
actually delivered, but it is not the sort of thing which we
should suspect of having been invented without some basis
of fact. Then there is the story, often referred to, that
Muhammad on one occasion recognised the pagan deities as
subordinate beings whose intercession might be of some
avail. Tradition has preserved the passage said to have
come in LIII, as originally delivered, after vv. 19, 20. There
the goddesses al-Lat, al-‘Uzza and al-Manat arc mentioned ;
then came the two verses : “ These are the swans exalted,
whose intercession is to be hoped for ”, or, according to
another reading, “ is approved (of Allah) ”. It seems almost
certain that Muhammad made some such concession, and
the fact that at v. 26 this surah passes abruptly to deal with
the intercession of angels is a slight confirmation of a previous
reference to intercession having occurred in it.
The other verses preserved by Tradition are much more
doubtful, and the style of them does not seem to be Qur’anic.
Still, whatever view we take of the collection and compilation
of the Qur’an, the possibility remains that parts of it may
have been lost. If, according to Tradition, Zaid in collecting
the Qur’an was dependent on chance writings and human
memories, parts may easily have been forgotten. On the
other hand, if, as critical study of the surahs has suggested,
Muhammad revised his deliverances, and sometimes dis¬
carded them in favour of new versions, some of them may
have been lost altogether. Some things in the Qur’an seem
to be there by accident; others may have disappeared.
There is no reason, however, to assume that anything of
importance has gone astray; one has rather the impression
49
• THE ORIGIN OF THE QUR’AN
that pieces which were never meant to be preserved have
found their way into the book as finally fixed. The fact that
varying, and sometimes even contradictory, deliverances have
been preserved, is strong proof that there was no deliberate
suppression, and that the editors acted in good faith
NOTE ON THE TEXT OK THE QUR’AN
As it is not intended in this volume to deal with textual criticism
of the Qur’an, it may be convenient here to insert a short note on
the subject. In the East the tendency has naturally always been
to obtain a uniform reading of the text. The 'Othmanic revision
, was, as we have seen, an attempt to arrive at that. But that did
not prevent a mass of variant readings arising. Not only did the
wide extension of Islam favour the prevalence of variants in different
districts, but in the early days scholars seen) to have exercised
considerable freedom, in regard at least to the vocalisation and
punctuation of the text. The recognition of the seven ways of
reading the text was an attempt to regulate this freedom. It is
attributed to the influence of I bn Mujiihid, a scholar who died in
a . h . 324. Accepting the saying attributed to the Prophet that the
Qur’an was revealed in seven readings, he selected seven readers
representing the systems prevailing in various districts, one each
from Medinah, Meccah, Syria and Basrah, and three from Kufah,
whose readings were to be attested by two recorders.
The recognised systems were thus:
Medinah, that of N 5 fi' (d. 169), recorded by Warsh (d. 197)
„ QhlOn (d. 220)
Meccah, ,, Ibn Kathir (d. 120), recorded by Bazzi (d. 270)
„ Qunbul (d. 291)
Syria, „ Ibn ‘Amir (d. 118), recorded by HishSm (d. 245)
„ Ibn Dakhw&n (d. 242)
Basrah, „ AbQ 'Amr (d. 154), recorded by DOrl (d. 250)
„ Susi (d. 26:)
Kufah, ,, ’Asim (d. 128), recorded by Hafs (d. 190)
„ Abu Bakr (d. 194)
Kufah, „ Iiamzah (d. 158), recorded by Khalaf (d. 229)
„ KhallAd (d. 220)
Kufah, „ Kisa’i (d. 189), recorded by Durl (d. 250)
HSrith (d. 240)
n
So INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
These seven systems of reading are all recognised as orthodox
in Islam, and scholars have prided themselves on knowing the
Qur’an according to all the seven, though each part of the Moslem
world preferred one or other of them. Naturally Islam has felt
the existence of these varying readings an inconvenience in a sacred
book ; and we can trace a tendency for one type of text to displace
others even in their own districts. To-day the KGfun reading of
'Asim recorded by Haf§ stands almost alone, and, as the one adopted
in the official Egyptian printed edition, tends to he adopted every¬
where.
In the West it is only fairly recently tlint the study of the
Qur’an text has been taken up systematically. It is generally
agreed that the seven orthodox systems of reading are based on the
‘Othmanic recension. The variants hardly ever affect the con¬
sonantal outline of the text. They give the impression of being
largely attempts by exegetes to smooth out the grammar, and
throw practically no light upon the condition of the text before
the 'Othmanic revision. In the early literature of Islam, however,
we find other readings recorded which do not belong to any of the
seven recognised systems. These are said to be shddhdh , that is,
* peculiar \ Quite a number of these do affect the consonantal text,
some of them very considerably, substituting different words or
phrases, or even making additions or omissions. The question is
whether these go back to early codices which may have been in
existence before the revision under 'Othman. If we accept what
Tradition says as to the delivery of the Qur’an and its being
memorised or written down by %'arious people, it is reasonable to
suppose that very considerable variations existed in the early days.
The first task of scholars is to seek out and make accessible early
works on the reading of the Qur’an, and to collect the shddhdh
readings which have survived. Bergstraesser devoted much labour
to this, and Iris work was carried on by Pretzl. Their conclusions
are given in the third volume of the revision of Noeldeke’s Geschichte
des Karans. Professor Arthur Jeffery’s book, Materials for the
History of the Qur’an Text , gives a large collection of the variants
ascribed to the old codices. These collections go a long way to
prove that actual written codices did exist before ‘Othman’s time,
and that they had in some respects an independent text. That they
preserved a better text is, however, very much open to question.
CHAPTER III
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
DIVISIONS
Let us now turn to the book itself. It will be convenient to
begin with its external form.
Navies. —The most usual name for the book is al-Qur an
(Koran, Coran). Though now generally applied to the book
as a whole, the word quran is used in the book itself in
various senses which we shall have to discuss later. The
name al-Fvrqdn , which from its use in III, 2 is sometimes
used instead of al-Qur'an, will also have to be dealt with at a
later stage. Another term often applied to the book is at-
Tamil , * the Revelation from the Arabic verb nazzala ' to
send down ’, used in the Qur’an in the sense of * to send
down from God that is, ‘ to reveal ’.
Divisions. —(a) Ritual Divisions. In total length the
Qur’an is comparable to the New Testament. For purposes
of recitation, the Moslems divide it into thirty' approximately
equal portions, juz\ plural ajza , corresponding to the
number of the days in the month of fasting, Ramadan
These are usually marked on the margin of copies. Some¬
times these arc further subdivided into sixty ahzdb, singular
hizb, two to each juz\ and these again into quarters, rub * al-
hizb , which may also be marked on the margin. There is
also a division into manazil, singular manzil , to facilitate
the recital of the Qur’an in the course of a week. These arc
external divisions which take little or no account of the
natural sections of the book, and do not really concern us here.
(b) Surahs. These, on the contrary, are real divisions
in the body of the book. The nearest equivalent is perhaps
* chapter ’. The word surah , plural suwar, also occurs in
the text, and its derivation is doubtful. The most accepted
view is that it comes from the Hebrew shurdh, ‘ a row ’, used
5 *
S3
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
of bricks in a wall, vines, etc. From this the sense of a series
of passages, or chapter, may perhaps be deduced, but it is
rather forced. Besides, it hardly gives the sense in which
the word is used in the Qur’an itself. In X, 39 the challenge
is issued : 44 Do they say: ‘He has devised it ? ’; let them
come then with a surah like it In XI, 16 the challenge is
to bring ten surahs like those which have been produced.
But in XXVIII, 49, where a similar challenge is given, it is to
produce a book, or writing, from Allah. Evidently the sense
required is something like 4 revelation ’ or 4 Scripture ’. I have
therefore suggested that the word is derived from the Syriac
fiirtd , which has the sense of 4 writing ' text of Scripture
and even 4 the Scriptures The laws which govern the
interchange of consonants in Arabic and Syriac are against
that derivation, but in Syriac itself the spelling of the word
varies to surtha , and even surthd ; and in any case, in words
directly borrowed, these philological laws do not necessarily
hold.
The surahs number 114. The first, known as the Fdtihah,
4 the Opening is a short prayer, very much used in Islam.
The two last arc short charms which, as already noted, Ibn
Mas'ud seems not to have included in his collection of the
Qur’an. The rest are arranged roughly in the order of
length, which varies from many pages to a line or two.
Thus II, the longest, occupies, in Redslob's edition of
Fluegel’s text, 37 pages of 19 lines each, plus nearly 12
lines, while several near the end occupy 2 lines or less,
CVIII, CXII. How far this arrangement goes back to
Muhammad himself, and how far it is due to the compilers,
we shall probably never be able to unravel completely; but
we shall probably see reason in what follows for holding that
he had more to do with it than the traditional account allows.
Headings of Surahs .—The surahs are marked off from
each other by the occurrence of headings. These are of set
form. First comes the name or title of the surah. That is
the name by which the surah is usually referred to by Oriental
scholars, instead of the number generally used in the West.
It has, as a rule, no reference to the subject-matter of the
surah, but is simply taken from some prominent, or unusual,
S3
THE FORM OF THE QUR'AN
word in the surah. Usually this word will occur near the
beginning, but this is not always so. Thus XVI is entitled
" The Bee ”, but the bee is not mentioned in it until v. 70,
more than half-way through ; it is, however, the only passage
in which the bee is mentioned in the Qur’ 5 n. Again, XXVI
is entitled “ The Poets ” ; but the only mention of the poets
is in v. 224 ff., at the very end of the surah. But again,
that is the only passage in the Qur’an which refers to the
poets—apart from those in which the suggestion that the
Prophet is himself a poet is indignantly rejected. And the
passage is rather a striking one ; probably no Arab who
heard that brief, but trenchant, description of his much-
belauded poets would forget it. There seems to be no rule
in this matter ; the title is simply taken from some word in
the surah sufficiently striking to serve as a means of identifica¬
tion. (We may compare the reference in the Gospels, Mark
xii, 26, Luke xx, 37, to Exodus iii, as “ The Bush ’*). Some¬
times a surah has two such titles, both being still in use ;
for example, IX, XL, XLI ; and we find references in early
Islamic literature to a few other titles in use at one time but
later dropped. That supports the assumption that these
titles do not belong to the Qur’an proper, but have been in¬
troduced by later scholars and editors for convenience of
reference. To this later scholarly apparatus also evidently
belongs the statement of dates and of the number of verses
contained in the surah, which follows the title. The dating
does not go beyond the bare description of the surah as Meccan,
or Medinan ; nor are these descriptions to be understood as
necessarily applying to the surah as a whole. Moslem
scholars have always been quite open to admit that surahs
are composite, and that one marked as Meccan may contain
one or more Medinan passages, and vice versa. These indica-
cations are to be regarded merely as the judgments of the
compilers, or early scholars, as to the period at which the
main basis or content of each surah was produced. The
modern Egyptian printed edition specifies the verses which
are exceptions, and also indicates the position of the surah
in order of delivery.
Following the number of verses comes the bismillah. At
54 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
the head of all the surahs, except one, stands the phrase,
bi-stni llahi r-rahmani r-rahim, ** In the name of God, the
Merciful, the Compassionate The exception is IX. Moslem
commentators say that the omission is due to this surah having
been revealed shortly before Muhammad’s death, so that he
left no instructions on the matter. That cannot be correct,
but it implies that in the view of Moslem scholars it was
Muhammad himself who was responsible for the placing of
the bismillnh at the head of the surahs. That it belongs to the
composition rather than to the editing of the surahs is con¬
firmed by the fact that in xxvil, where Solomon is repre¬
sented as inditing a letter to the Queen of Sheba, the letter
begins with the bismillah, as if that were the appropriate
heading for a document coming from a prophet. So also
in XCVI, Muhammad is commanded to recite in the name of
his Lord. It has been suggested that the omission of the
phrase at the head of IX may be due to VIII and IX having
originally formed one surah. VIII is short for its position ;
on the other hand VIII and IX together would make a surah
much too long for its position. The real reason is that
surah IX begins with a proclamation which is already suffi¬
ciently attested as being issued in the name of Allah. The
bismillah was therefore superfluous. The exception thus
confirms the conclusion that the bismillah is not a mere
editorial formula, but forms the heading of the surah as
it was composed. That need not, of course, be taken so
strictly as to exclude the possibility of its having in some
cases been added by the compilers or editors.
Mysterious Letters. —Following the bismillah at the
beginning of 29 surahs stands a letter, or a group of letters,
which are simply read as separate letters of the alphabet.
These letters are one of the mysteries of the Qur’an. No
satisfactory explanation of their meaning, if they have one,
has ever been given, nor has any convincing reason been found
for their having been placed where they stand. If refer¬
ence be made to the table given at the end of this chapter, it
will be seen that some occur once only, singly or in
combination, and before isolated surahs, but that there
are other combinations which occur before several surahs,
55
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
and that the surahs having the same combination of letters
stand in groups. Thus the haw&mhn , as they are called,
that is, the surahs in front of which the letters hd\ mini
stand, if we include the one in which these letters arc com¬
bined with others, form a solid block, XL-XLVI The surahs
with alif, lam, rd\ including XIII which has mint in addition,
form a block X-XV. The ta , sin, and td\ sin, mini surahs
form another little group XXVI-XXVIII. The alif, l&m , mini
surahs are separated ; II and ill stand together, vil, which
has sad in addition, stands by itself, XIII is included in the
alif, lam, r&' group, and then there is the block XXIX-XXXII.
Altogether we get the impression of groups of surahs,
similarly marked, which have been kept together when the
Qur’an was put in its present shape.
Consideration of the lengths of the surahs tends to confirm
this. A glance at the table-will show that on the whole the
surahs stand in order of decreasing length, and this almost
looks like the principle on which the order of the surahs has
been arranged. It is equally evident that there are many
deviations from the strict sequence, and it is necessary to
guard against laying too much stress on a mechanical rule
of this kind, which is not likely to have been carefully carried
through. But some of the deviations from the rule of decreas¬
ing length seem to be connected with these groups of surahs.
Thus, if we take the group XL-XLVI, we find that the first
is a little longer than XXXIX, while XLV, and especially XLIV,
are short for their position. It looks as if the order of
decreasing length had been departed from in order to keep
the hawdmim group as it stood before the final arrangement
was undertaken. Again, taking the alif, Idm, rd * group,
we find that X, XI, XII stand approximately in their proper
position according to length, but XIII, XIV, XV are short,
and with XVI we return again to something like the length of
X. It looks as if this group had been inserted as a solid
block. On the other hand, the alif, lam, mini surahs are
placed in different positions, II and III, the longest surahs, at
the very beginning, XXIX-XXXII in a group much farther on,
as if the deviation from the rule would have been too great,
and the group had therefore been broken up. These facts
E
56 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
give some support to the supposition that, when the present
order of the surahs was fixed, the groups marked by these
mysterious letters were already in existence.
That, of course, throws no light on the meaning of these
symbols. But founding on this assumption and on the
tradition as to Zaid b. Thabit’s collection of the Qur’an after
Muhammad’s death, some European scholars have regarded
these letters as abbreviations of the names of persons who
had previously, for their own use, collected, memorised, or
written down certain surahs, and from whom, then, Zaid
obtained them. Thus the hawdmim would have been
obtained from somebody whose name was abbreviated to
ha mint ; and so on. It seems a plausible theory ; but the
difficulty is to suggest names of possible persons who might
be so indicated. No one has satisfactorily solved that
problem. Hirschfeld, for instance, who tried to work it out,
takes sad as denoting Hafsah, kdf , Abu Bakr, nun , 'Othman.
Again, it is difficult to see why, for important surahs like
II and III, the collectors should have been dependent ap¬
parently upon one person, denoted by alif , 1 dm, mint,
whom Hirschfeld takes to be al-Mughirah; while other
much less important surahs had no letters at their head,
and were thus presumably general property.
Much the same difficulty attaches to the suggestion of
Goossens (.Der Islam , 1923) that these letters are contractions
for disused titles of the surahs. It may quite well be that a
title which had acquired some wide usage, but was not finally
adopted, was retained in an abbreviated form. But, if so,
it is necessary to find some word or phrase in the surah for
which the letters at the head of it may be accepted as a
contraction. Goossens succeeded in a number of cases, but
in some his solutions were impossible, and in others he had
to assume some drastic rearrangement of contents and change
of division of surahs. Further, he did not succeed very well
in explaining why several surahs should have had the same
title, as the groups with the same letters at their head would
imply.
These suggestions go on the assumption that the letters
belong to the collection and redaction of the Qur’an, and are
57
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
therefore later than the texts before which they stand. Nor
docs it make any real difference if wc suppose them to have
been marks used by Muhammad or his scribes to identify
or classify the surahs. These letters always follow the
bismillah , and we have seen reason to think that th zbtsmtllah
belongs to the text and not to the editing. It seems probable,
therefore, that these letters also belong to the composition of
the text, and were not external marks added either in
Muhammad’s life-time or by later compilers. That is the
view of all Oriental interpreters. They generally try to find
some meaning in the symbols. But there is no agreement
amongst them as to the exact sense, and their attempts to
find in them contractions of words or phrases are just as
arbitrary as those of European scholars.
Nocldeke, to whom the suggestion that these letters were
indications of names of collectors was originally due, in some
of his later articles departed from it, and adopted the view
that they were simply meaningless symbols, perhaps magic
signs, or imitations of the writing of the heavenly Book
which was being conveyed to Muhammad. That they have
something to do with the revelation is confirmed by the fact
that the majority of the surahs at the head of which they
stand begin with some reference to the Book, the Qur’an or
the revelation. Of the 29 surahs to which they are prefixed
only three, XIX, XXIX and XXX, have no such reference
immediately following. Considering how often the Book
is referred to later in it, XIX can hardly be counted an
exception. Analysis also shows that surahs marked by such
letters arc of either late Meccan or Medinan composition, or
at least have traces of late revision ; they belong to the time
when Muhammad was consciously producing a revelation
similar to the revelation in the hands of previous monotheists.
It is possible that he may have tried to imitate some of the
writing in which these scriptures existed. In fact, in some
of these combinations of letters it seems possible to see words
written in Syriac or Hebrew, which have been afterwards
read as Arabic. That suggestion, however, like others, seems
impossible to carry through. We end where we began ; the
letters are mysterious, and have so far baffled interpretation.
58
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
(c) Verses. The surahs are divided into verses, which
are termed * ayat , singular * ayah . This word is also used in
the text. It is, however, only in later passages, if at all,
that it has the sense of 4 verses \ It is much more commonly
used in the sense of 4 sign 4 wonder \ It is related to
the Hebrew ' 6 th, and 4 sign * is evidently its basic meaning.
The verse-division is not artificially imposed, as the verse-
divisions of the Christian Bible frequently are. It belongs to
the composition of the Qur’an, and the verses are distinctly
marked by the occurrence of rhyme, or, more strictly, asson¬
ance. Differences in the division into verses, and consequently
differences in the numbering of the verses, do occur in the
various readings, or recensions, of the Qur’an; and, un¬
fortunately, the verse-numbering of Fluegel’s edition, which
is the one generally used in the West, does not exactly
correspond to that most generally adopted in the East, or
in fact to that of any of the Oriental recensions. That is due
to the occurrence of cases in which it can be doubted whether
the rhyme was intended, or simply came in accidentally,
and that again depends on the nature of the rhymes, or
assonances, which are largely produced by the use of the
same grammatical forms or terminations (see p. 67). But a
very cursory examination of the Qur’an in the original Arabic
will serve to convince anyone that the verses were intended
to rhyme.
The length of the verses, like the length of the surahs,
varies much. In some surahs, and these generally the longer
ones, the verses are long and trailing; in others, especially
the shorter ones near the end of the book, the verses are
short and crisp. That, however, is not an invariable rule.
Surah XCVIII, which is comparatively short, consists of 8
fairly long verses; XXVI, which is fairly long, has over 200
verses mostly quite short. But it may be noted that, as a
rule, the verses in the same surah, or, at least, in the same
passage or part of a surah, are of approximately the same
length. There are exceptions even to that generalisation,
but on the whole it remains valid, particularly where the
verses are short.
The verses are in prose, without metre, though in some
59
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
passages, for example LXXIV, 1-7, XCI, I -10, there is a
kind of rhythm or metre of stresses. That feature is due
rather to the shortness of the rhyming verses and the repeti¬
tion of the same form of phrase, than to any effort to carry
through a strict metrical form. Where the verses are of any
length, and the form of phrase varies, no fixed metre, either
of syllables or of stresses, can be traced. The Qur’an is
written in rhymed prose, in verses without metre or definitely
fixed length, their ends marked by the occurrence of a
rhyme, or assonance, which, as a rule, remains the same
throughout a passage.
THE DRAMATIC FORM
We have seen that Muhammad believed himself to be inspired
and that his messages came to him by prompting from with¬
out. On the whole he drew a clear distinction between what
came to him in this way and his own thoughts and sayings.
The Qur’an, therefore, is not cast in the form of his own words to
his fellow-men. Only in a very few passages does Muhammad
speak in his own person ; in XXVII, 93 ff. we have one of those
declarations of his position which are usually preceded by the
word “ say ”, left, perhaps by inadvertence, without that
prefix. Whether XXVI, 22 i ff. arc in Muhammad’s own
words is uncertain, though that would be the most natural
assumption. There are other passages in regard to which
we may be doubtful, for example, LXXXI, 15 ff., LXXXIV,
16-19, XCII, 14 ff. Some of the lists of ‘signs’ adduced as
evidence of Allah’s power might be regarded as being in
the messenger’s own words ; so also descriptions of the Last
Day like XCI, I-IO. Many passages in later surahs are
directly addressed to the people, and speak of Allah in the
third person, as if they were spoken by Muhammad himself ;
but we find frequent indications that the dramatic setting is
different (see p. 62). We must therefore be chary of assum¬
ing that passages in the Qur’an are in Muhammad’s own
words, though one can hardly avoid the impression that some
of the early pieces are in that form.
6o
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
It is usually assumed, in accordance with Moslem doctrine,
that the speaker is Allah, and that the Prophet is addressed
as the recipient of the revelation. This corresponds to the
setting in many passages. Allah speaks sometimes in the
first person singular. A passage like XCII, 14 ff. is doubtful,
but LI, 56 f., “ I have not created jinn and men but that
they should serve Me ; I desire not any provision from them,
nor do I desire that they should feed Me ”, is clearly cast in
the words of Allah. So in LXVII, 18, LXXIV, 11-15, and even
in such distinctly Medinan passages as II, 38, 44 (where
Allah makes, as it were, a personal appeal to the Children of
Israel) and II, 182. Much more frequently, however, we
find the first person plural used where Allah is without doubt
the speaker. As creation is, in the doctrine of the Qur’an,
the prerogative of Allah, passages in which the speaker
claims to have created may be taken as certainly spoken by
Allah; thus XV, 26 f., XVII, 72, XXI, 16 f., XXIII, 12-14,
and many other passages. If we take passages in which
creation is not mentioned but which are in. the same
form, we shall find that a great deal of the Qur’an is
thus placed in the mouth of Allah speaking in the plural of
majesty.
It is also clear in many passages that the Prophet is being
addressed. The well-known verses, so often cited as the
earliest revelations, LXXIV, 1 ff., ** O thou clothed in the
dithar, arise and warn, thy Lord magnify . . .” and XCVI,
1 ff., ** Recite in the name of thy Lord . . .” are evidently
addressed to the Prophet. The use of the second person
singular is very common in the Qur’an, the words being
thus addressed to a single individual, who is no doubt
Muhammad himself. Many passages are indeed personal
to the Prophet: encouragements, exhortations, assurances
of the reality of his inspiration, rebukes, pieces of advice
as to how to act. On the other hand, many passages thus
addressed to the Prophet have no special reference to him
but contain matter of interest to others as well. That is, in
fact, quite frequently stated, in such phrases as : “ Surely in
that is a lesson for those who fear Even when not stated,
it is the evident intention that the communication should be
6i
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
made public; the Prophet is exhorted to ' recite ’, and that
was no doubt the method by which these revelations were
made known to the people. Sometimes the Prophet is
addressed as the representative of the people, and after a
direct address to him the passage may continue with the
second person plural, as in LXV, i ff.
But the assumption that Allah is Himself the speaker in
all these passages leads to difficulties. For in a great many
of them we find Allah being referred to in the third person.
It is no doubt allowable for a speaker to refer to himself in
the third person occasionally, but the extent to which we
find the Prophet apparently being addressed and told about
Allah as a third person, arouses suspicion. It has, in fact,
been made a matter of ridicule that, in the Qur’an Allah
is made to swear by Himself. That He uses oaths in some
of the passages beginning, “ I swear not . . .”, for example
in LXXV, i ff., XC, I ff., can hardly be denied. This was
probably a traditional formula. But “ By thy Lord ’ is
difficult in the mouth of Allah. “ Thy Lord ” is, in fact, a
very common designation of Allah in the Qur’an, as in the
two early passages above quoted. Now, there is one passage
which everyone acknowledges to be spoken by angels,
namely XIX, 65 f.: '* We come not down but by command of
thy Lord ; to Him belongs what is before us and what is
behind us and what is between that; nor is thy Lord forget¬
ful, Lord of the heavens and the earth and what is between
them; so serve Him, and endure patiently in His service;
knowest thou to Him a namesake ? ” In XXXVII, 161-166
it is almost equally clear that angels are the speakers. This,
once admitted, may be extended to passages in which it
is not so clear. In fact, difficulties in many passages are
removed by interpreting the " We ” as angels rather than as
Allah Himself speaking in the plural of majesty. It is not
always easy to distinguish between the two, and nice questions
sometimes arise in places where there is a sudden change
from Allah being spoken of in the third person to “ We”
claiming to do things usually ascribed to Allah. Have VI,
99 and XXV, 47 ff., for example, been somewhat hurriedly
revised, or have the angels, in Muhammad’s ideas, assumed
62
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
other functions of Providence, besides the communication
of revelations ?
In the later portions of the Qur’an, it seems to be an almost
invariable rule that the words are addressed by the angels,
or by Gabriel using the plural “ We ”, to the Prophet, Allah
being spoken of in the third person, and His will and com¬
mands being thus communicated to men. This is the case
even where the people or the believers are directly addressed.
In some of these passages one might assume that Muham¬
mad was addressing his followers in his own words. But
in so many of them there are clear indications that the angel
speaks that we must assume that that is the form in them
all. Muhammad has, in fact, reached assurance in his posi¬
tion, and hence in his form. He is the mouthpiece of the
divine will, which is communicated to him by Gabriel, and
thus, like a confidential official, he stands on the border-line
between the king’s court and the subjects. Subject he is
always. Sometimes he receives messages to convey to the
people, or he receives commands and exhortations intended
for them; sometimes he is directly addressed as the repre¬
sentative of the people; at other times special exhortations
and directions for his own conduct are addressed to him;
at times he steps, as it were, across the line, and facing round
upon the people conveys the divine commands and exhorta¬
tions direct to them. But in these late passages the dramatic
setting remains fairly consistent: Allah is a third person in
the background, the “ We ” of the speaker is the angel (or
angels), the messages are addressed to the Prophet, even
where the people are directly addressed the words come
through him but he is mouthpiece only. In earlier parts of
the Qur’an, however, the dramatic setting varies to some
extent, as has been said above, and this often gives an indica¬
tion of a break in the composition. 1
* Direct address is found in the following passages :
(«) O ye people: il, 196-20, 163-164, 167-169, IV, 1, 168, 174, x, 23-26, 58,
xxit, 1-4, s-8, 72, XXXI, 32-34, xxxv, 3, 5, 16, xux, 13.
( 6 ) O ye who have believed: II, 98, 148, 173, 179, 204 f., 255, 266-267, 269 f.,
278-281, 2S2 f., ill, 95, 97 {., 114-116, 125-128, 150, 200, IV, 23-25, 33-35, 46,
62, 73 - 78 . 96, 134, « 3 S f-> M 3 . v * », 2.8, n, 14,39-41, 56-58, 59-61, 62-63,
89-90, 95, 96, 101, 104, 105-107, viii, 15, 20-23, 24-26, 27 {., 29, 47-48,
THE FORM OF THE QUR’AN
63
TABLE OF THE SURAHS OF THE QUR’AN
IN NUMERICAL ORDER
Giving the number of verse*, and the lengths as shown by the pages
and lines occupied in Red slob’s edition of Flucgd’s text; also the initial
letters where these occur; for convenience a/if is here indicated by A.
The bis mi//ah in this edition occupies a full line, which has been counted.
Initial
No.
Letters
Verses
Pages
Lines
1
7
6
2
ALM
286
371 +
® 1 5 i
3
ALM
200
21J +
4°9i
4
1 75
23 J “
445i
5
120
I7i
3321
6
165
19-
358J
7
ALMS
205
21 -
398*
8
76
8-
>49i
9
130
16-
301 i
10
ALR
109
iij-
215!
11
ALR
123
lil
221
12
ALR
in
11
209I
*3
ALMR
43
5 +
99
14
ALR
52
5 +
99i
*5
ALR
99
4i
85
16
128
IlJ
217
*7
hi
IO
>95
18
no
IO-
184*
19
KHY'S
98
6
II4i
20
TH
i35
8i
159
21
112
7*
145
22
78
8-
150
ix, 23, 28, 34-35, 3 s ff -» » 2 °, I2 4 > xxn, 76, xxiv, 21, 27-29, 57-60, XXXIII,
9- 27, 41-43, 48, S3 f., 56-58, 69-71, XLVH, 8-12, 35-40, XLIX, 1, 2 f., 6-8,
II, 12, LVII, 28 f., LVIII, IO, 12, 13 f., LIX, 18, LX, 1*3, 10 f., 13, LXI, 2-4,
10- 12, 14, LXIII, 9-I I, LXIV, 14-18, LXV, IX -12, LXVI, 6 f., 8. Cf. XXIX,
56-58.
(e) O thou messenger: V, 45-47, 71.
O thou prophet: vin, 65, 66 f., ix, 74 f., xxxm, 1-3, 28 ff., 44, 49-52, 59,
LX, 12, LXV, 1-7, lxvi, 1 {., 9.
O thou heavily burdened: lxxiii, i ff.
O thou clothed in the dithdr : lxxiv, i ff.
(d) O Children of Israel: II, 38 44 f-, 46-58, 116 f., 118 ff., xx, 82-84.
O People of the Book : III, 58 ff., 63, 64, tv, 169, v, 18, 22.
64
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Initial
No.
Letters
Verses
Pages
Lines
23
118
7 -
129I
24
64
8|
>59
25
77
5 i
109
26
TSM
228
9 -
169J
27
TS
95
7 +
1 37 i
28
TSM
88
9 "
168.J
29
ALM
69
6 +
120$
30
ALM
60
5 +
99
3 «
ALM
34
3 +
621
32
ALM
30
2*
46I
33
73
81
158I
34
54
51
102
35
45
5 +
98
36
YS
83
5 -
90
37
182
6 +
118
38
S
88
5 -
90
39
75
7 *
140
40
tfM
85
7 i
*45
4 i
HM
54
5 -
94
42
HM'SQ
53
5 +
100
43
HM
89
5 *
104
44
ft M
59
2i
461
45
HM
36
3 +
59
46
HM
35
4 -
75
47
40
3 *
67 *
48
29
3 *
69
49
18
2 +
42 *
50
Q
45
2*
461
S'
60
2*
46}
52
49
2 +
40
53
62
2l
44
54
55
2*
44 i
55
78
2*
50
56
96
3 “
541
57
29
31
70 l
58
22
3
57
59
24
3 “
S 4 l
60
*3
2l
431
6i
14
28
62
. 11
1 +
22
CHAPTER IV
THE STRUCTURE AND STYLE
OF THE QUR’AN
Rhymes .—The Qur’an, then, presents itself in the form of
surahs divided into verses. The questions arise whether the
surahs arc unities, and, if so, whether they show any organic
structure ; or, if they are not unities, whether wc can discern
how they have been built up. In approaching these ques¬
tions, if we follow the method of starting from externals, it
will be well to be clear as to the nature of the rhyme which
marks the close of verses.
There is no attempt in the Qur’an to produce the strict
rhyme of poetry. In an Arabic poem each verse had to end
in the same rhyme-consonant surrounded by the same
vowels—an interchange of i and u was allowed, though con¬
sidered a weakness. Short inflectional vowels following the
rhyme-consonant were usually retained, and, if retained,
were pronounced long at the end of the line. Only in very
exceptional cases is it possible to find this type of rhyme in
the Qur’ 5 n. What we find is, rather, assonance, in which
short inflectional vowels at the end of a verse arc disregarded,
and for the rest, the vowels, particularly their length, and the
fall of the accent, that is the form of the end-word of the
verse, are of more importance than the consonants. Of course
the consonant may remain the same, but that is not essential.
Thus in CXII the four verses rhyme in - ad , if we disregard
the inflections; in CV we have the rhyme in -f/, if we dis¬
regard end-vowels and allow u in place of t in the last verse.
In CIII r is rhyme-consonant, but the inflections vary and
have to be disregarded, though, for pronunciation, we
require a short vowel sound of some kind after the r, or,
alternatively, a short vowel before it which is not in the
form. In LIV, where r as rhyme-consonant is carried through
67
68
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR*AN
55 verses, we have not only to disregard the end-vowels but
to accept variations of the preceding vowel, * and u and
even a occurring in that position; the assonance is -fail,
that is, an open syllable with short vowel which takes the
accent, followed by a syllable with short vowel closed by r
which thus becomes a rhyme-consonant. On the other hand,
the accusative termination - an is often retained, being
probably pronounced as -d ; for example in XVIII, LXXII and
C, where the accusative termination seems to be essential
to the rhyme. Further, the feminine termination -atuu
dropped not only its inflections but also its t sound ; cf. CIV,
where, if we drop end-vowels and pronounce the feminine
termination as & or ah, we get a consistent assonance formed
by an accented syllable followed by a short unaccented
syllable and the ending, that is faalah, in which both vowels
and consonants are variable, but the place of the accent and
the ending -ah remain the same. The actual rhyme-words
are : liimazah ,' dddadah , dkhladah , al-hutamah, al-hutamah,
al-muqadah, al-dfidah, mufadah, mumdddadah ; this
illustrates the retention of the same sound formation with
variation of consonant, and even of vowel. In XCIX we
have a similar assonance, formed by a long accented a,
followed by a short syllable, and the feminine suffix -hd,
that is - dlahd , the -hd being in one verse replaced by the
plural suffix -hum. The assonance of XLVII is the same, but
with greater variation of suffix.
The structure of the Arabic language, in which words
fall into definite types of forms, was favourable to the pro¬
duction of such assonances. But even in the short surahs we
find a tendency to rely for the assonance on grammatical
terminations, for example the suffix -hd as in XCIX above,
and in XCI assonance -ihd. In the longer surahs this
tendency increases. Thus in LV the assonance depends very
largely upon the dual-ending -an. Fairly often in the longer
surahs, though hardly ever carried through unbroken, we
find the assonance -<z(/), that is, a long a vowel followed by a
(variable) consonant; so in parts of II, III, XIV, xxxvin
(almost complete), XXXIX, XL, and sporadically elsewhere.
But in the great majority of the surahs of any length, and
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR'AN 69
even in some of the short ones, the prevailing assonance is
-*(/), that is, a long i or u sound (these interchange freely)
followed by a consonant. This depends very largely on the
plural endings of nouns and verbs, -un and -in, varied by
words of the form fail , one of the commonest forms in
Arabic. By far the greater part of the Qur’an shows this
assonance.
With an assonance depending thus upon grammatical
endings there may occasionally be doubt as to whether it
was really intended. The varying systems of vcrsc-numbering
depend to some extent, though not entirely, upon varying
judgment as to where the rhyme was intended to fall in
particular cases. But that assonance at the end of verses
was intended and deliberately sought for can hardly be
questioned. In passages with short verses and frequently
recurring assonances the intention is unmistakable. But
even in surahs in which the verses arc long, we find special
turns of phrase employed in order to produce the assonance.
Thus the preposition min with a plural participle is often
used where a participle in the singular would have sufficiently
given the sense j so that we get phrases like “ one of the
unbelievers ” instead of simply " an unbeliever ” because
the former gives the rhyming plural-ending, while the latter
docs not: for example III, 53, 75, vn, 103. Kdnu with an
imperfect or participle in the plural often takes the place of
a simple perfect plural; for example in II, 54, VII, 35. Or
an imperfect plural may be used where a perfect might
have been expected, as in V, 74. Occasionally a phrase is
added at the end of a verse which is really otiose as regards
sense but supplies the assonance, as in xu, 10, XXI, 68, 79,
104. Sometimes the sense is strained in order to produce
the rhyme, for instance in IV, where statements regarding
Allah are inappropriately thrown into the past by the use of
kdna in front of them, the accusative ending on which the
rhyme depends being thereby obtained. The form of a
proper name is occasionally modified for the sake of rhyme,
as Sinin, XCV, Ilydstn, xxxvil, 1 30.
Rhyme-phrases .—Statements regarding Allah occur fre¬
quently at the end of verses, especially in the long surahs,
70 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
where the verses also are of some length. Where the verses
are short, the word or phrase which carries the rhyme forms
as a rule an integral part of the grammatical structure and
is necessary to the sense. But in some passages we find that
the phrases which carry the rhyme can be detached without
dislocating the structure of what remains, as in XLI, 8 IT.
Sometimes, in fact, the rhyme-phrase interrupts the sense,
as in VI, 142 ff.; but this is exceptional. Usually the phrase
is appropriate enough but stands apart from the rest of the
verse. These detachable rhyme-phrases—most of which
carry the assonance in - i(i )—tend to be repeated, and to
assume a set form which recurs either verbally or with slight
changes in wording. Thus inna fi dhalika la-'dyat an li-l-
mumintn often closes the account of a 4 sign ’. ' Ala llahi
fa-l-yatawakkal il-muminun ( il-mutawakkilun ) occurs 9
times. Wa-lldhu 'alim hakim occurs 12 times, or, if we
include slight modifications, 18 times. There are other
combinations of adjectives referring to Allah which are
frequently used in the same way. Perhaps the most frequent
of all such phrases is inna lldha ' aid kulli shai'in qadir,
" verily Allah over everything hath power ”, which is used
6 times in II, 4 times in III, 4 times in V and some 18 times in
other surahs. To have a stock of such phrases was no doubt
a convenience for a busy man who had adopted a rhyming
style of utterance. But there is also a certain effectiveness
in their use. These sententious phrases regarding Allah
are most often used to close a deliverance, and serve at
once to press home a truth by repetition and to clinch the
authority of what is laid down. They act as a kind of
refrain.
Refrains. —The use of actual refrain, in the sense of the
same words occurring at more or less regular intervals, is
sparse in the Qur’an. It is anything but effectively used in
LV, where the same words “ Which then of the benefits of
your Lord will ye twain count false ? ” occur in w. 12, 15, 18,
21, 23, 25, 28, and from there on in practically each alternate
verse, without regard to the sense, which they frequently
interrupt. The same tendency to increasing frequency and
disregard of sense appears in the use of the words, “ Woe
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR'AN 71
that day to those who count false! ” as a kind of refrain
before sections of surah LXXVII. Didactically effective, on
the other hand, is the use of refrain in the groups of stories of
former prophets which occur in various surahs. The stories
in these groups not only show similarities of wording through¬
out, but are often closed by the same formula ; cf. those in
xi, XXVI, XXXVII and liv.
Internal Rhymes. —In addition to the rhymes which occur
at the end of the verses, wc can occasionally detect rhymes,
different from the end-rhymes, occurring in the middle, or
elsewhere, in the verse. These give the impression of a
varied arrangement of rhymes. R. Geyer pointed out some
of these in an article in the Gottinger Gelehrte A nzeigen, 1909,
and argued that stanzas with such varied rhymes were some¬
times deliberately intended in the Qur’an. If that were so,
we should expect the same form to recur. But in going
through Geyer’s examples we do not get the impression that
any pre-existing forms of stanza were being reproduced, or
that any fixed forms of stanza at all were being used. There
are no fixed patterns. All that can be said is that in some
passages wc do find such mixtures of rhymes, just as, quite
often, we find, within a surah, breaks in the regular recurring
rhyme at the end of the verses. But, as we shall see, these
facts are to be otherwise explained.
Strophes. —A similar argument applies to the contention
of D. H. Mueller in his book, Die Prop he ten in ihrer
urspriinglichen Form , Vienna, 1895. He sought to show
that composition in strophes was characteristic of prophetic
literature, in the Old Testament as well as in the Qur’an.
From the Qur’Sn he adduced many passages which appear
to support such a view, for example LVI. But if we are to
speak of strophic form, we expect some regularity in the
length and arrangement of the strophes. Mueller, however,
failed to show that there was any such regularity. What his
evidence does show is that many surahs of the Qur’an fall
into short sections or paragraphs. But these are not of
fixed length, nor do they seem to follow any pattern of
length. Their length is determined not by any consideration
of form, but by the subject or incident treated in each.
F
72
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Short Pieces .—Interpreted in this way, Mueller’s con¬
tention brings out a real characteristic of Qur’Sn style. It is
disjointed. Only very seldom do we find in it evidence of
sustained unified composition at any great length. The
longest such pieces are the addresses found in some of the
later surahs. The address before Uhud has become broken
up and is now difficult to unravel from the middle of III.
But the address after the Day of the Trench and the over¬
throw of the Quraizah, XXXIII, 9-27, and the assurance to
the disappointed Moslems after the truce of IJudaibiyah,
XLVIII, 18-29, may be taken as examples of fairly lengthy
pieces evidently composed for one special purpose. Some
of the narratives, too, in the Qur’an, especially accounts of
Moses and of Abraham, run to considerable length. But
they tend to fall into separate incidents, instead of being
recounted straightforwardly. This is particularly true of the
longest of all, the story of Joseph in xn. In other surahs, even
where we can trace some connection in thought, this para¬
graph arrangement is very evident. In LXXX, for instance,
we can persuade ourselves that a line of thought governs
the collection of the separate pieces, running from the
Prophet’s dissatisfaction with his cajoling of the wealthy,
through the sublimity of the message which ought to com¬
mend itself, but is thwarted by man’s ingratitude for religious
and temporal benefits, up to the description of the final
Judgment-day. But one has a stronger impression of the
distinctness of the separate pieces than of their unity; and
one of them, vv. 24-32, bears evident traces of having been
fitted into a context to which it did not originally belong.
In the longer surahs devoted largely to political and legal
matters we find, as is natural enough, that subjects vary,
and, while we do find here and there considerable blocks of
legislation devoted to one subject, for example the rules
regarding divorce in II, 228 ff. f we do not get the impression
that an effort has been made to produce a surah dealing
systematically with any subject. One surah may contain
passages dealing with many different subjects, and the same
subject may be treated in several different surahs.
The Qur’an itself tells us that it was delivered in
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR’AN 73
separate pieces, XVII, 107, XXV, 34. Neither of these
passages tells us anything as to the length of the pieces. But
Moslem Tradition, which assigns different ' occasions ’ to
passages consisting of a verse or two, favours the assumption
that the pieces were short. We were led to this by considera¬
tion of Muhammad’s method of composition (pp. 33-35 above).
It corresponds to what we actually find in the Qur’an. Not
only are there a considerable number of short pieces standing
alone as separate surahs, but the longer surahs contain many
short pieces which are complete in themselves, and could be
removed without serious derangement of the context. Con¬
sideration of the passages introduced by formulae of direct
address (pp. 60, 62, 63 above) will show that. II, 173-175, for
instance, deals with retaliation ; it comes indeed amongst
other passages addressed to the believers and dealing with
other subjects, but it has no necessary connection with them.
V, 14 stands quite by itself, clear enough, if only we knew
the event to which it refers, but if it had been absent we
should never have suspected that something had fallen out.
XLIX, 13 may be quoted as illustrating the form of these
passages : “ O ye people, We have created you of male and
female and made you races and tribes, that ye may show
mutual recognition ; verily, the most noble of you in Allah’s
eyes is the most pious; verily Allah is knowing, well-
informed ”. Here, following the address, we have an indica¬
tion of the subject that has called for treatment, then comes
a declaration regarding it, and finally the passage is closed
by a sententious maxim. This form is found not only in
passages with direct address, but in a multitude of others.
They begin by stating their occasion; a question has been
asked, the unbelievers have said or done something, some¬
thing has happened, or some situation has arisen. The matter
is dealt with shortly, in usually not more than three or four
verses; at the end comes a general statement, often about
Allah, which rounds off the passage. Once we have caught
this lilt of Qur’an style it becomes fairly easy to separate
the surahs into the separate pieces of which they have been
built up, and this is a great step towards the interpretation
of the Qur’an. It is not, of course, to be too readily assumed
74
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
that there is no connection between these separate pieces.
There may, or there may not, be a connection in subject
and thought, and where that is absent there may still be a
connection in time. On the other hand, there may be no
connection in thought between contiguous pieces, or the
surah may have been built up of pieces of different dates
that have been fitted into a sort of scheme.
Style of the Qur'dn .—It is only when we have unravelled
these short units of composition which enter into the structure
of the surahs that we can speak of the style of the Qur’an.
The insistence so frequently met with on its disjointedness,
its formlessness, its excited, unpremeditated, rhapsodical
character, rests too much on a failure to discern the natural
divisions into which the surahs fall, and also to take account
of the displacements and undesigned breaks in connection,
which, as we shall see, are numerous. We have to remember,
too, that Muhammad disclaimed being a poet, and evidently
had no ear for poetry. 1 He claimed that he had messages to
convey. We have to seek, therefore, for didactic, rather than
for poetic or artistic, forms.
Slogans .—One of these forms, the prevailing one in later
surahs, has been spoken of above. But the simplest form
of the kind is the short statement introduced by the word
“ Say ” There arc about 250 of these scattered throughout
the Qur’an. Sometimes they stand singly; here and there
we find groups of them standing together, though really
quite distinct from each other, for instance in VI, 56 ff.;
sometimes they are worked into the context of a passage.
These statements are of various kinds, answers to questions,
retorts to arguments or jeers of his opponents, statements of
Muhammad’s own position ; there are one or two prayers,
for example HI, 25 ; there are two credal statements for his
followers to repeat, the word 41 Say ” being in the plural,
II, 130, XXIX, 45, to which may be added CXII, though the
verb is singular ; finally, there are a number of phrases suit¬
able for repetition in various circumstances, such as, " Allah’s
guidance is the guidance”, n, 114, “Allah is my portion;
on Him let the trusting set their trust ”, XXXIX, 39.
1 Sec the story in Ibn Hishfim, p. 882.
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR’AN 75
It is evident that these phrases were designed for repeti¬
tion ; they were not composed originally as parts of surahs,
they were of the nature of slogans devised for public use,
and found their way into surahs later. Where a context is
given, usually in the later parts of the Qur’an, we get a hint
of how they were produced. A question has been asked,
II, 185, 211, V, 6, VIII, 1, etc., or some argument or jeer
has come to the Prophet’s knowledge, and he has thought
over it until the 4 suggestion ’ of the answer has come. He
has 4 sought guidance * and has been told what to say. The
statement thus becomes a part of one of the paragraphs
already described as characteristic of Qur’an style.
These slogans are difficult to date, and it is doubtful if
any of those which appear in the Qur’an are very early,
though some of them may quite well be so. But they are so
common that the presumption is that they were a constant
element in Muhammad’s methods of propaganda, and that
from the first he made use of carefully prepared formulae
for repetition.
The use of assonance in such formulae would be natural.
But those which actually occur hardly support the idea
that it was by this route that assonance became a feature of
Muhammad’s deliverances. Most of them fall naturally
enough into the rhyme of the surah in which they occur, but
few of them rhyme within themselves. XXXIV, 45 and
XLI, 44 possibly do, and CII, 1, 2 looks like an early rhymed
slogan, though not preceded by 44 Say It is more likely
that the suggestion of rhyme came from the saf of the
soothsayers.
Kdhin - Form .—Muhammad protested against being
classed as a soothsayer, LII, 29, LXIX, 42, and, as the form
and content of his deliverances developed, the disclaimer
was justified ; but to begin with, his position was similar
enough to that of a kdhin to suggest that he may have taken
a hint from the soothsayers as to the form of his utterances.
Actually, there are five passages in the Qur’an which are
quite in ^zAm-manner, XXXVII, 1-4, (5), LI, 1-6, LXXVII, 1-7,
LXXIX, i-14, C, 1-6. In these we have a number of oaths
by females of some kind, forming a jingle, leading up to a
76
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
statement which docs not rhyme with the oaths. The
statement is mostly quite short; but in LXXIX it is of some
length and may have been extended. The feminine parti¬
ciples are usually thought to apply to angels; the Qur’an itself
gives some support to this, XXXVII, 165. But this is probably
an afterthought, and it may be doubted if originally any
definite meaning was attached to these asseverations. The
soothsayers, no doubt, often used a string of cryptic oaths
without much sense, simply to prepare the way for the
statement and make it impressive.
Asseverative Passages. —Muhammad apparently found
these random oaths unsatisfactory. LXXXIX, 1-4, which is
so cryptic as to be unintelligible, may indicate this. LII, 1-8
still shows the same device of making the statement stand
out by having a different assonance from the oaths, but the
oaths, though still difficult to interpret, had evidently a clear
enough sense in the Prophet’s own mind. In other assevera¬
tive passages, of which there are not a few, 1 the oaths arc
chosen as having some bearing on the statement to which
they lead up, and this statement in the same assonance makes
an effective close to the passage. The best example is perhaps
XCI, 1-10, where four pairs of oaths by contrasted things,
sun and moon, day and night, heaven and earth, and what
formed the soul and implanted in it its wickedness and piety,
lead up to the statement of the contrast between him who
purifies his soul and him who corrupts it. This asseverative
style seems to have gradually been discarded. There are a
number of passages where a single oath appears at the begin¬
ning, but in passages certainly Medinan oaths hardly appear
at all.
‘ When '-Passages. —A modification of the asseverative
passage is seen in the use of a number of tempbral clauses,
introduced by idha or yawma , leading up to a statement
pressing home the fact of the Judgment upon the conscience.
1 A list of the chief asseverative passages may here be given: xxxvi, 1 ff,
XXXVII, 1-4, XXXVIII, 1, XLIII, I, XLIV, I ff., L, I ff, LI, 1-6, LII, 1-8, LIII, I ff,
LVI, 74 ff, LXVIII, I ff, LXIX, 38-43. LXXIV, 35-40, LXXV, 1-6, LXXVII, I-7,
LXXIX, I-I4, LXXXI, 15-19, 22, 24, 25, 27, LXXXIV, 16-I9, LXXXV, 1-7, LXXXVI,
1,4, n-14, lxxxix, i-4, xc, 1-4 ff, xci, 1-10, xcii, i*4 ff, XCIH, 1-3 ff, XCV. 1.5.
c, i 6, cm. 1 f.
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR’AN 77
In one passage, LXXV, 26-30, it is a death-scene which is
described in the temporal clauses, but usually it is the Last
Day which is conjured up by a selection from its awe¬
inspiring phenomena. In LXXXIV, 1-6 the statement of the
main clause is left unrhymed, but in all the others it has the
same rhyme as the clauses which lead up to it. The longest
of these passages is LXXXI, 1-14, where twelve f^Arf-clauses
lead up to the statement: '* A soul will know what it has
presented ”, that is, the deeds laid to its account. The
effectiveness of such a form is even more evident in some of
the shorter pieces, and there can be no doubt that they were
carefully designed for repetition to impress the conscience of
hearers. 1
Dramatic Scenes .—This homiletic purpose is evident
throughout the Qur’an. The piling up of temporal clauses
did not continue, but at all stages of the Qur’an the scenes
of the Judgment and the future life are evoked, not for any
speculative purpose, but in order to impress the conscience
and clinch an argument. With all the details which the
Qur*5n gives of the future abodes of the blessed and the
damned, we nowhere get a complete description. Where
such a picture seems to have been attempted, as in LV,
LXXVI and LXXXIII, the attempt appears to break down in
confusion. On the other hand we get short well-polished
pieces describing luscious attractions or lurid terrors. The
same applies to the descriptions of the Judgment; Muham¬
mad evidently is interested in these scenes not for their own
sake but for their homiletic value. Only once or twice does
he make any attempt to describe the theophany, and it is
not sustained, XXXIX, 67 ff., LXXXIX, 23 f. Attention
should, however, be called to the dramatic quality of many of
these scenes, which is often unrecognised, but which is really
very effective. Some of them are difficult to understand,
because, being designed for oral recitation, they do not
indicate by whom the various speeches are made; that was
1 ‘ When ’-passages, introduced by idki: lvi, 1-9 (lxix, 13-17), LXXtv, 8-10,
lxxv, 7-12, 26-30, Lxxvu, 8-13, lxxix, 34 - 4 >» lxxxi, 1-14, lxxxii, 1-5,
LXXXIV, 1-6, XCIX, 1-6 (cx, 1-3); introduced by yawma : lxx, 8-14, Lxxvm,
18-26, lxxx, 34-37 (ci, 3 - 6 )-
78 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
left to be made clear by gesture or change of voice as the
passage was delivered. As examples may be cited, L, 19-25
and XXXVII, 48-59; in both of these passages we have to
use our imagination to supply the accompanying action of
the speeches, but are rewarded by little dramatic scenes
which must have been very telling if delivered with
dramatic action. This dramatic quality is, in fact, a per¬
vading characteristic of Qur’an style. Direct speech is apt
to be ‘ interjected ’ at any point, and we have to imagine the
personages spoken of in the narrative as expressing them¬
selves in words. If, for instance, we look at the story of
Moses in XX, we find that more space is occupied by the
spoken words of the actors than by actual narrative. Even
where narrative does predominate, the story is hardly ever
told straightforwardly, but tends to fall into a series of short
word-pictures, the story advancing incident by incident, and
the intervening links being left to the imagination of the
hearers.
Narratives and Parables .—In narratives, too, the homi¬
letic element is apt to intrude. Thus in the story of Joseph
in XII, we find every now and then an aside introduced to
make clear the intention of Allah in what happened. This
homiletic element is also apt to intrude unduly into Qur’Sn
mathals or parables. The best of these is the parable of the
Blighted Garden in LXVIII ; that of the Two Owners of
Gardens is less clear and more didactic, XVIII, 31-42. Others
are little more than expanded similes, XIV, 29 ff., xvi,
77 f-, XViii, 43 f., XXX, 27 , XXXIX, 30. That of the Un¬
believing Town, xxxvi, 12 ff., is difficult to classify; it is
perhaps a simile expanded into a story.
Similes .—The Qur’an contains a good number of similes.
These occur in all contexts. In descriptions of the Last Day,
when the heavens are rolled up like a scroll, XXI, 104, when
the people are like moths blown about, and the mountains
are like carded wool, Cl, 3, 4, the similes are sometimes
borrowed with the rest of the material, but the Prophet had
at all stages of his career a gift of coining vivid and some¬
times grimly humorous comparisons. Jews who have the
Torah but do not profit by it are compared to an ass loaded
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR’AN 79
with books, LXII, 5. Some who in the early days in Medinah
made advances to Muhammad and then drew back arc
likened to those who have lit a fire which has then gone out
and left them more bewildered in the darkness than ever,
II, 16; cf. 18 f. Polytheists who imagine other gods besides
Allah are like the spider weaving its own frail house, XXIX, 40.
The works of unbelievers, from which they hope to benefit
at the Judgment, arc like ashes blown away by the wind,
XIV, 21, or like a mirage which appears to be water, but,
when one comes to it, turns out to be nothing, XXIV, 39.
People who pray to gods other than Allah arc like those who
stretch out their hands to water, which, however, never
reaches their mouth, XIII, 15 ; the prayer of unbelieving
Quraish at the Ka'bah is only whistling and clapping of
hands, VIII, 35. Lukewarm supporters, asked for their
opinion and getting up to speak, no doubt hesitatingly, are
compared to logs of wood propped up, LXIII, 4. For other
comparisons, see II, 166, 263, 266, 2 67, III, 113, vn, 175, x,
25, XVIII, 43, LVII, 19, LXXIV, 51. Where the simile is
complicated by an attempt at allegory, the result is not so
happy, XXX, 27, XXXIX, 30.
Metaphors .—Metaphors are still more common. T. Sab-
bagh 1 has collected well over four hundred metaphorical
uses of words. Many of these, however, were, no doubt,
already so much a matter of course as to be no longer felt
as metaphorical. It is not easy to say how far the Qur’an
added new metaphors to the language. The number of
commercial terms transferred to the religious sphere is note¬
worthy. 3 It is, of course, only what might be expected from
Muhammad’s upbringing, and his taking up his mission in
a commercial town, but it did help to stamp its legalistic
character upon Islam. The deeds of men are recorded in a
book; the Judgment is the reckoning; each person receives
his account; the balance is set up, and men’s deeds are
weighed ; each soul is held in pledge for the deeds com¬
mitted ; if a man’s actions are approved, he receives his
reward, or his hire ; to support the Prophet's cause is to lend
1 T. Sabbagh, La AUtaphore dans le Coran.
C C. Torrey, The Commercial-Theological Terms in the Koran.
8o
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
to Allah. From Bedouin life come the designation of the
delights of Paradise as nuzul, * reception-feast \ and the
application of the verb tpalla, * to go astray ’, to those who
follow false gods. The application of bodily functions to
spiritual matters is almost unavoidable ; thus unbelievers are
deaf, unable to hear, blind, unable to see; they cannot dis¬
cern the truth ; they have veils over their hearts, heaviness
in their ears; they arc in darknesses. The revelation is
guidance and light, and the function of a messenger is to
lead people out of the darknesses into the light. Doubtful
supporters are said to have disease in their hearts; after
their conduct at Uhud they are dubbed munafiqln , ' jinkers \
1 those who dodge back into their holes like mice \
Borrowed Metaphors and Words .—Many of these meta¬
phors can be paralleled in Jewish and Christian literature.
It must not, however, be too readily assumed that that is
proof of their having been borrowed. Some of them are so
obvious that they may quite well have been employed in¬
dependently. Borrowed words, on the other hand, generally
show their foreign origin by some peculiarity. That the
Qur’an contains a number of words which arc not native
Arabic was, a little reluctantly, recognised by Moslem
scholars, though, in their lack of knowledge of other
languages, they often failed to elucidate their origin. Modern
scholarship has devoted a good deal of attention to these
words, and with wider knowledge of the languages and
dialects prevailing in the Near East in pre-Islamic times has
for the most part succeeded in tracing their source. Here
again, however, we must be on our guard against assuming
that every word of foreign origin used in the Qur’Sn was by
that use introduced into Arabic. Apart from proper names,
Dr. Jeffery 1 has collected some 275 words which have been
regarded as of foreign origin. The majority of these, how¬
ever, can be shown to have been in use in Arabic in pre-
Islamic times, and many of them had become regular Arabic
words. Of only about 70 can we say that the use was new,
or that they were used in new senses. Of these 70, half
1 Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary 0/ the Qurdn.
STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF THE QUR’AN 8 i
come from Christian languages, many from Syriac and a
few from Ethiopic ; some 25 come from Hebrew or Jewish-
Aramaic ; the rest, of little religious importance for the most
part, come from Persian, Greek or unknown sources. It
must, however, be remembered that between Syriac and
Jewish-Aramaic the decision is often difficult, and the exact
provenance of some of these words is still in dispute.
Language .—That there occur unfamiliar words and
words used in an unfamiliar sense is shown by the fact that
explanations arc sometimes added. But it is only natural to
assume that the Qur’an was delivered in the language of the
people so far as possible, and that even these borrowed words
were already known to Muhammad’s followers from their
intercourse with Jews and Christians. As a matter of fact,
the language of the Qur’an, so far as we can judge, is on
the whole the classical Arabic language. We have seen that
in assonance at the end of verses inflectional vowels were
dropped and the feminine ending modified, as in colloquial
speech. How far this was done in the middle of the verses,
we have no means of knowing. For, as the Qur’an is now
pointed and recited, these vowels and terminations are
strictly exhibited and pronounced. This may be due to
later revision and assimilation to the classical poetry, as
Vollers 1 argues, and many dialectical forms may have been
removed in the process. A few irregular forms, which we
may perhaps assume to be colloquial or dialectical, still
remain, for .example, yazzakka for yatazakkd (LXXX,
3, i) yadhdhakkaru for yatadhakkaru (II, 272, III, 5, LXXX, 4),
idddr aka for tad&raka (VII, 36, XXVII, 68).
The style of the Qur’an is held to be unique and inimitable.
It certainly is characteristic and unmistakable, in spite of its
variations from surah to surah and from section to section. 1
Its artistic, dramatic, pictorial, imaginative qualities have
often been lost sight of in theological treatment of the Pjdz,
' the inimitability ’ of the Qur’an, but they have always
exercised a spell upon the Moslem worshipper.
1 K. Voliers, Volkssprache und Schriftspracke im alien Arabien.
* For the use of these as evidence of date, see Ch. VI.
CHAPTER V
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
REVISIONS AND ALTERATIONS
We have seen that the unit of composition in the Qur’an is
not the surah, but the short piece. The surahs, except the
very short ones, have been constructed rather than composed.
The question then arises, whether they were put together by
Muhammad, or by those who collected the Qur’an after his
death. The tradition as to the collection of the Qur’an seems
to leave the latter possibility open, and there are even special
traditions which ascribe the placing of certain passages to
Zaid b. Thabit. On the whole, however, Tradition seems to
take it for granted that the surahs were found much in their
present form. The question is one which has really never been
thoroughly discussed, and which we shall probably never be
able to answer with complete certainty. There is, however, a
great deal of evidence that the Prophet himself had more to
do with the compiling of the surahs than has been usually
assumed. Some general considerations already mentioned
argue against the collectors having had a free hand in the
matter. The great variation in the lengths of the surahs is
hardly to be accounted for by difference of subject or rhyme
or form, though that may explain why some of the short
pieces were kept as separate surahs. The occurrence of the
btsmillah, which we found reason to think belonged to the
composition, would mark at least the beginning of a surah.
The occurrence of the mysterious letters also seemed to
imply that not only surahs, but also groups of surahs, were
already in existence when the Qur’Sn came to be arranged
in its present order. The existence of surahs is borne out
too by the challenge which the Prophet gave to his opponents
that, if they believed that he had invented the Qur’an, they
should produce ten surahs like it, XI, 16. He must, at that
82
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
«3
time, have had at least ten pieces of the nature of surahs
which he could produce if the challenge were taken up.
The date is indeterminate, but is probably not later than
early-Medinan times, and many other surahs may have
taken shape within the Prophet’s subsequent life-time. But
the most conclusive proof of the Prophet’s part in the com¬
piling of the surahs comes from a detailed study of their
structure, which discloses evidences of revisions and altera¬
tions such as could hardly have been made without his
authority, and for which we can, in many cases, assign a
reason in his own changing circumstances and aims.
That passages were not only placed in certain surahs, but
were sometimes adapted to their position in them, is shown
by the occurrence of hidden rhymes. The real explanation
of what led Geyer to the assumption of a kind of sonnet-
formation, is that passages which had originally rhymed in
one assonance have been adapted to stand in a surah, the
assonance of which is different. For example, xxm, 12-16
rhyme in -?(/), the assonance of the surah as a whole ; v. 14,
however, is long, and breaks up into five short verses rhym¬
ing in - ah , with a rhyme-phrase added carrying the -»(/) asson¬
ance, but not entering into the structure of the verse. The
rhyme -ah can be found also in w. 12 and 13 by dropping
the end words of each, and this can be done with advantage
to the sense. Thus we get in vv. 12-14 a complete little piece
rhyming in -ah describing the generation of man as a sign
of Allah’s creative power. This has been fitted into the
surah by adding rhyme-phrases and vv. 15, 16, which
speak of the resurrection. The passage which follows, XXIII,
17-22, has been similarly dealt with. The rhyme-phrases are
detachable, and, when they have been removed, traces of an
assonance in jail can be found underneath. Quite a number
of other passages have been treated in this way. 1
Attention may be called to a few cases in which the
rhyme of the surah changes. The beginning of III rhymes
in as does also the end ; the middle, however, has the
1 Sec in, 30 ff, 40 ff., VII, 160 ff., x, 7-11, xiil, 2 AT., XIV, 29 AT., xvi, 10 ff,
5° f-» S3 » xxv » 47 ff., 55 ff-. 62 f., xxvii, 60 ff., xxxii, 15-20, xu, 59 ff., 71 ff,
xu, 8 ff, xliii, 8 ff
84 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
rhyme in -»(/). Near the point at which the change occurs
stands a passage, v. 30 ff., dealing with the story of Mary
and Jesus, which has originally rhymed in -a(l) but into which
phrases have been inserted to carry the rhyme, -*(/). It is
as if a portion with the latter rhyme had been inserted into
a surah which had originally rhymed in -<f(/), and an
attempt had been made to dovetail the two pieces together
at the start. The impression is strengthened it we notice
that the rhyme - t(J) occurs at the end of v. 16, carried by a
phrase the construction of which causes some difficulty and
which leads over to v. 20 f. rather than to v. 17 f. In XIV
also the rhyme changes in the middle of the surah and at
the junction there is a passage, v. 29 ff., in which the original
rhyme has been altered. In XIII something similar appears to
have happened at the beginning, vv. 2-4, and in XIX near the
middle, w. 52-58, 59, but these cases are not quite so clear.
There are many passages in which the rhyme-phrases
can be detached without revealing an older rhyme under¬
neath. In these cases it is not quite so certain that revision
has taken place, for, as we have seen, the detachable rhyme-
phrase often appears as the mark of the close of a passage.
When, however, it appears at the end of a number of con¬
secutive verses, as in VI, 95 ff., it is reasonable to assume that
it has been inserted into an originally unrhymed passage in
order to give it the rhyme of the surah. In two cases this
seems to have been done with a list of names, VI, 84 ff. and
XXXVIII, 45 ff. ; cf. also XIX, 52-58.
Nor is this the only way in which passages have been
adapted. VI, 142-145 cannot be grammatically construed
as they stand, but by taking the first part of each verse we
get a list of Allah’s bounties in produce of the soil and
animals ; into this, sentences have been introduced combating
heathen food-taboos. In VII, 55 f. the sign of Allah’s
revival of dead land and the varying response of different
soils—perhaps a simile of the varying response of men to the
divine message—has been transformed by inserted sentences,
marked by a sudden change of pronoun, into a corroboration
of the resurrection.
If passages could be adapted to their place in a surah,
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
85
they could also be adapted to the needs of a different situa¬
tion. The Qur’an itself practically tells us that such revisions
were made, for we are told that Satan may influence a
prophet’s formulation of his message, but Allah adjusts His
signs and abrogates what Satan has thrown in, XXII, 51 flf.
And the Prophet is assured that if he is made to forget a verse,
he will be given a similar or a better one, n, 100. Moslem
theology, too, founding on these and other passages, has
always recognised that a deliverance may be modified or
completely annulled by a subsequent one. 1 This is usually
regarded as applying to separate deliverances, but XXII,
51 ff. seems to imply that alterations were made upon actual
passages, and examination of the Qur’an shows that both
methods of revision were freely used.
Now, it is no doubt possible to revise a passage so care¬
fully that no sign of patching remains, but as a rule a critical
reader will detect the modification from some unevenness in
the style. As a matter of fact, there are many such rough¬
nesses in the Qur’an. There are not only hidden rhymes
and rhyme-phrases not woven into the texture of the passage,
but there are abrupt changes of rhyme, and repetition of the
same rhyme-word or -phrase in adjoining verses. Abrupt
changes of subject arc natural to the paragraph-style of the
Qur’an, but often we find a quite extraneous subject intruding
into a passage apparently meant to be homogeneous. Or
the same subject will be treated in somewhat different ways
in neighbouring verses, often with repetition of words and
phrases. There are breaks in grammatical construction
which trouble the commentators. There are abrupt changes
in the length of verses, and sudden changes of dramatic situa¬
tion involving changes of pronoun from singular to plural, or
from second to third person and vice versa. Sometimes
apparently contradictory statements appear side by side.
Passages of different dates stand together, and late phrases
enter into earlier verses. So common are these things in the
Qur’an that they have often been regarded as characteristic
of its style not calling for further study, but they certainly
demand an explanation. The explanation may, of course,
1 Sec note on the Moslem doctrine of Abrogation {pp. 9S-99).
86
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
vary in each case, but in the great majority of cases it will
be found in some revision or alteration of an earlier text.
Glosses, that is to say short explanations occasioned by
some obscurity, which may be supposed to have been written
on a manuscript by some later reader, are not numerous in
the Qur’an. Examples may be found in vi, 12, 20, vn, 90,
XXI, 48, 104, XXVII, 7, XLI, 16, LXXVI, 16. How these have
originated it is impossible to say, but in II, 79 we find one
which is evidently considerably later than the writing of the
original passage. Here the word ikhrajuhum is inserted to
explain the pronoun huwa, but immediately in front of that
is a phrase which evidently belongs to the preceding verse ;
when that is removed to its proper position, there is no
difficulty about the reference of the pronoun ; the insertion
of ikhrajuhum must, therefore, be subsequent to the mis¬
placement of the preceding phrase.
Explanations are sometimes added 1 in the form of an
extension of the passage. In twelve places 2 we find after a
rather unusual word or phrase the question : " What has
let thee know what . . . is ? " and this is followed by a short
description. That in some the description has been added
later is clear from the fact that it does not correspond to the
sense in which the word or phrase was originally used. The
most striking case is Cl, 7 ff., but XC, 12 ff. and CIV, 5 ff. are
similar, and the addition is never an exact definition.
There are additions and insertions of other kinds, of which
the following are examples taken from the shorter surahs. In
XCI it is evident that the passage, when composed, ended at
v. 10 (sec above, p. 76), but this is followed by a summary
of the story of Thamud, which may have been added to illus¬
trate the moral, or placed here just because of the similar
rhyme. LXXXVIII, 6, 7 are marked as an insertion by the
different rhyme, LXXVIII, 33, 34, by breaking the connection
between 32 and 35. In LXXXVH a sudden change in the
dramatic situation at v. 16 marks an addition which might
possibly be contemporary—as if the Prophet, having recited
1 See p. 81.
* LXIX, 3, LXXIV, 27, LXXVI!, 14, LXXXII, 17, LXXXI1I, 8, 9, LXXXVI, 2.
XC, 12, XCVII, 2, Cl, 2, 7, CIV, 5.
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
87
his revelation, had turned to impress its point upon his
audience—but is probably much later. In LXXIV, w. 31-34
are clearly marked as an insertion by the different style and
length of verse. Some of these examples already suggest
that Muhammad himself was responsible for the addition,
though it is possible to hold that they were due to some later
collector or reader.
There are, however, other additions which can hardly
have been made without authority. The misplaced phrase
of II, 79, for instance, though it looks like a gloss written on
the margin and taken in by a copyist at the wrong place,
makes a real addition to the regulation laid clown. There
are not many such misplacements, but short additions
which make substantial alterations to the sense are frequent
enough. In LXXIV, 55 we have a limitation of the freedom of
man’s choice which virtually takes back what had been stated
in 54 ; cf. LXXVI, 30 f., LXXXI, 29. This corresponds to the
hardening of the doctrine of predestination which took place
in Medinan days. Reservations introduced by ilia, ‘ except ’,
are specially frequent. We must not, of course, assume that
every such reservation is a later addition, but in quite a
number of cases 1 there are independent reasons for such an
assumption, as in LXXXVII, 7, and XCV, 6, where ills, intro¬
duces a longer verse with characteristic Medinan phraseology
into an early passage with short rhythmic verses. Such
additions, making as they do a distinct modification of the
statement, must have been deliberately introduced. In at
least some of them we can discern the motive for making the
exception.
Longer additions can sometimes be easily distinguished.
Thus in LXXIII a long verse occurs at the end which, by
containing a reference to Moslems being engaged in fighting,
is clearly marked as Medinan, and is recognised by everyone
as being so. But the rest of the surah, and especially the
beginning, is in the short crisp verses characteristic of early
passages. The reason for the addition is that the passage at
1 11, 155, 229, 282, III, 83, IV, 143, XI, 14, XIX, 61, 90, XXIII, 6 f., XXV, 70,
XXVI, 227, LIII, 27, LXXVIII, 25, LXXXIV, 25, LXXXVII, 7 , LXXXVIII, 23 f., XCV,
6, cm. 3.
G
88 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
the beginning, which really refers to the composition of the
Qur’an, 1 had been adapted so as to recommend night-
prayer ; but as this was being overdone, it became necessary
in Medinah to counsel moderation.
Additions in the middle of surahs arc very common. A
few examples will suffice. The first part of xix has the
assonance in -iyd, but this is interrupted by vv. 35-41,
which have the common -*(/) assonance. These verses follow
an account of Mary and Jesus, and, by rejecting the idea of
Allah having offspring, were evidently meant to combat the
Christian doctrine of the Son of God., in, 125-128 warn
against the taking of excessive interest, and promise heavenly
reward to those who act generously. The passage evidently
dosed with the rhyme-phrase of v. 128, but two verses follow
giving a further description of those who do well by repenting
and asking forgiveness, and a promise of heavenly reward
which is practically a repetition of that already made. Those
who have transgressed but are prepared to reform arc thus
included, xxn, 5-8 argue for the resurrection as in line
with Allah’s power otherwise manifest, and close with a scoff
at those who " without knowledge, guidance, or light-giving
book ” argue to the contrary. Verses 9, 10 join to this rather
awkwardly and threaten not only future punishment, but
“ humiliation in this life ”, a Medinan threat, to those who
so act. The change of tone and attitude shows clearly
enough that these verses did not belong to the original
passage. In xxxvil we have accounts of various Biblical
persons, closing in the first four cases with the refrain; “ Thus
do We reward those who do well. Verily he is one of Our
servants believing.” But in the case of Abraham this refrain
is followed by a statement about the posterity of Abraham
and Isaac. This must have been added after the passage was
composed.
Then we often find that a passage has alternative con¬
tinuations, which follow each other in the present text. This
will be marked by a break in sense, and by a break in gram¬
matical construction, the connection being not with what
immediately precedes, but with what stands some distance
1 See Bell, Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment, p. 97 {.
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
89
back; there may also he the repetition of a word or phrase.
Thus in XXIII we find following upon v. 65, which speaks of
men continuing a defective course of conduct, three passages
introduced by hattd idha, ‘ until when v. 66, v. 79 and
v. 101. It is possible, with some straining, to join v. 79 to
v. 78, but v. 101 will not join to v. 100. But hattd idha
requires before it a reference to something continuing. Verses
101 f. are in fact the proper continuation of v. 65, as is evident
if we read them together; the other verses introduced by
hattd idha are substituted for them. In V, v. 46 begins with
a phrase sammd’wia li-l-kadhib, which is entirely out of
connection. The same phrase occurs in v. 45, and we can
quite well replace it and what follow's of v. 45 by v. 46. At
the end of XXXIX there is a verse which appears isolated.
It follows a Judgment-scene and evidently belongs to it; but
the scene is already finished; judgment has been given, the
unbelievers have been sent to Gehennah, the pious have
entered the Garden ; then we find ourselves back at the
scene of Judgment where judgment will be given with truth.
This phrase, which has already occurred in v. 69, indicates
what was the original position of v. 75 ; it followed the first
phrase of v. 69 and completed the scene ; at some later stage
it was displaced by the much longer description in w. 69-74.*
Occasionally a change of rhyme may accompany such a sub¬
stitution, as in LXXX, where vv. 34-37 have their assonance
in -ih, while vv. 38-42, which join equally well to v. 33, have
the -ah assonance which runs through the whole of the rest
of the surah. More frequently the occurrence of the same
rhyme-word or -phrase is a sign that such a substitution has
been made, the new version being made to end with the same
rhyme as that which it replaced. Thus in II, vv. 96 and 97
both end in law kanu ya'lamuna, -which gives a presumption
that v. 97 was intended to replace v. 96; in III, the similar
1 To give a full list of such substitutes is tedious and unnecessary. Some
of the more striking cases may be here listed: II, 95 ff., 129 ff., 139 ff., 179 ff-»
192 ff., ill, 43 61 ff., 97 ff., 106 ff., 137 ff, 145 f > ,6 4 f-, *77 ff, IV » 2 " ff,
130 f., V, 45 f., 52 ff., 76 ff, 92 f., VI, 87 ff, vn, 38 f., 163 ff, viii, 73 f., IX,
87 ff (82 ff), 112 f„ 118 f., x, 104 ff, xi, 42 ff., xui, 19 ff, xv, 87 ff, XVI,
16 ff., xvn, 47, xxvii, 38 ff., xxxiv, so ff, xxxv, 26 ff., xxxvi, 79 ff., xxxtx,
48 f., 69 ff, XL, 31 ff.XLV, 26 ff, L, 21 ff, LIV, 43 ff, LVII, 13 f., LIX, $ ff, *-XlII,
7 {., LXXII, 26 ff, LXXIV, 31 ff, LXXX, 33 ff.
90 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
ending indicates that v. 138 is a substitute for v. 139. Sec
also IX, 118 and 119, XXXIV, 51 and 52, XLV, 27 and 28,
LXXII, 25 and 26-28. It may be noted that in such cases the
alternative continuations often stand in reverse order of date,
though one cannot take this as an invariable rule. It is as
if the paper 1 had been cut and the alternative inserted.
Occasionally we may find a substitution made at the beginning
or in the middle of a passage, as if an alternative had been
written above or between the lines, or two versions may be
interwoven, as in III, 122-124, as if the substitution had been
somehow written through a text already written down; cf.
XXXVI, 1-4.
The conviction that we have here written documents
grows upon us as we deal with these evidences of revision, and
an assumption that such is the case seems necessary to explain
another phenomenon of frequent occurrence in the Qur’an.
There remains a multitude of disconnected pieces, sudden
changes of subject, even grammatical breaks, which no dis¬
cursiveness of style or additions or alternative continuations
will explain. Take, for instance, LXXXIV, 16-19; here we
have a little piece in &?Am-style, a number of cryptic oaths,
followed by an emphatic statement. It is evidently complete
in itself, has its own rhyme, and has no apparent connection
in thought with the rest of the surah. How did it come to
stand where it does ? A collector may have thrown it in at
random, but a responsible collector would, one might think,
have sought a more suitable place. The same thing appears
in LXXV, 16-19 and LXXXVIII, 17-20. In these two cases it
is fairly evident that immediately before the unconnected
piece an addition has been made to the preceding passage,
for the added verses have a different rhyme. In LXXXIV
there is no abrupt change of rhyme, but if we consider
carefully we shall see that w. 13-15 destroy the balance of
the preceding piece, w. 7-12, which is complete as it stands,
two verses being given to describing the fate of each class.
In each case, then, an addition has been made, and the
addition occupies approximately the same space as the
1 “ Paper ” is used in the general sense of writing material of whatever
nature that may have been. Papyrus sheets seem probable.
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS 91
extraneous passage which follows. The presence of this latter
would be explained if we were to suppose that it had stood
on the back of a scrap of paper on which the addition was
written, and that both sides of the paper had been read
and copied consecutively when the Qur’an came to be made
up in the form of a codex. Similar examples may be found
throughout the Qur’an. To take an example from near the
beginning: II, 16 compares those who have accepted the
Prophet’s guidance and then gone back upon it to people
who have lit a fire, and then it has gone out, leaving them
blinded in the darkness. Verse 17, “ Deaf, dumb and blind,
they do not return ”, evidently closes the passage, but vv. 18,
19 contain another simile : they are like people in a thunder¬
storm, the rain pours down, the thunder deafens them, the
lightning blinds them. Evidently this is a parallel to v. 16
and should have preceded v. 17. It has been added later.
There follows a passage, w. 19b, 20, quite unconnected with
the context, appealing for the worship of Allah and adducing
signs of His power and bounty. This appears to be con¬
tinued, after a break, in w. 26, 27. Now v. 25, while not
evidently an addition, is probably so, for v. 24 finishes with a
reference to the “ reprobate ”, which is conclusive enough.
But v. 25 proceeds to describe a special class of ” repro¬
bates ”, who violate a covenant after having made it. Further,
we find in vv. i58-i6oa a passage which, by the use of the
rather unusual w r ord andad, ' peers ’, is marked as almost
certainly a continuation of vv. 19b, 20, 26, 27. Here we
have, not preceding but following, a passage, w. i6ob-i62,
which returns to the theme of vv. 156, 157, and must have
been intended as an addition to that passage. This whole
section is an interesting example of how a passage has been
expanded by additions. The point, however, here is that we
find a passage originally dealing with the worship of Allah
apparently cut up, and the back of the pieces used for making
insertions into other passages.
An interesting example of the same kind is found in
surah IX. The last two verses of this surah are said by
Tradition to have come to the knowledge of Zaid b. Thabit
when he had almost completed his task of collecting the
92 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Qur’an, and were placed here as the most convenient position
at the time. This is evidently an attempt to account for the
fact that there is a break in connection between v. 128 and
v. 129, and between v. 129 and v. 130. These two verses
seem to stand isolated, but v. 130 will connect well enough
with v. 128, though the latter verse ends as if nothing more
were to be said. It is a case of something having been later
added to a passage, and we may suppose that the back of
v. 129 was used to write it on. By some accident (v. 128 had
itself been used for the writing of another passage) the back
was read by the compilers before the addition. But this is
not all ; v. 40 of the same surah stands isolated, though it
evidently requires something in front of it. The pronoun
" him ” must evidently refer to the Prophet, of whom there
has been no mention in the context, but v. 129 speaks of the
Prophet, and if we read v. 129 and v. 40 together we get a
moving appeal for loyalty to the Prophet addressed to his
followers. This has evidently been cut in two, one part being
added to v. 128 and the other placed after v. 39.
The reverse seems also to have taken place; scraps
of paper were somehow pasted together to form a sheet.
XIV, 8-17—an evident addition to the account of Moses—
in which he addresses his people in regular Qur'an style, is
followed by a scries of disjointed pieces, w. 18-20, 21, 22,
24-27, 28, which together occupy practically the same space.
In fact, it is almost a rule in the later parts of the Qur’an
that an addition or connected deliverance of any length is
preceded or followed by a number of disconnected pieces
which together make up approximately the same length. An
interesting instance of this occurs at the end of II. There
we find a long deliverance dealing with the recording of debts,
vv. 282, 283. This occupies approximately the same space
as w. 278-281, a deliverance forbidding usury, v. 284 a separate
verse, and w. 285, 286 a profession of faith of the believers.
Into this piece two little sentences intrude at the junction of
the verses ; they have no connection with each other or
with the context and break the connection of v. 285 and v.
286, which must have originally formed one verse. If now
we suppose the deliverance regarding debts, v. 282 f., to
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
93
have been written on the back of a sheet (or part of a sheet)
which contained the deliverance on usury, vv. 278-281, and
on that of a second sheet containing w. 284, 285 f., we
find that the intrusion into the latter piece comes practically
opposite a proviso introduced into the dcbts-deliverance ex¬
cepting from its scope transactions in the market where
goods pass from hand to hand. This we may suppose was
written on the back of two scraps and inserted into the
deliverance. To do so, the sheet was cut and the proviso
pasted in. Hence the appearance of two extraneous scraps
on the other side of the sheet.
The same thing occurs in IV, where, if we suppose w. 90-
93 to have been written on the back of vv. 81-89, a proviso
introduced by Hid, v. 92a, will come opposite v. 84 which
breaks the connection between v. 83 and v. 8$. This passage
is further interesting in that the passage w. 81-83, 85, 86 is
almost certainly private and was not meant to be publicly
recited. There are quite a number of passages of this kind
included in the Qur’an. The most striking of them is III,
153, which can hardly have been intended for publication
either at the time or later; cf. also w. 148c and 155.
As further proof that these alterations and revisions
belong to Muhammad’s life-time, we may consider some of
the passages dealing with subjects and situations which
we know to have presented critical problems to him. It
is just at these points that the Qur’an becomes most
confused.
A simple case is that of the ordinance concerning fasting.
When he removed to Medinah, Muhammad hoped for
support from the Jew's and showed himself willing to learn
from them. Tradition says that he introduced the Jewish
fast of the 'Ashura, w r hich was the Day of Atonement, pre¬
ceded by some days of special devotion. Later, the month
of Ramadan was prescribed. Now, in II, 179-181 these two
things lie side by side: v. 180 prescribes a fast of a certain
number of days, v. 181 the month of Ramadan. The two
verses are, of course, generally read consecutively, the certain
number of days of v. 180 being regarded as made more
precise by the mention of the month of Ramadan in v. 181.
94 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
But a certain number of days is not naturally equivalent to
a month, and the repetition of phrases in the two verses shows
that the one was intended to replace the other. We have, in
fact, a case of alternative continuations of v. 179. Further,
we find that v. 182 is entirely unconnected ; not only has it
no reference to fasting, but whereas in the preceding verses
the believers are being addressed and Allah spoken of in the
third person, in it Allah is speaking, the Prophet is being
addressed, and men spoken of in the third person. Verse 183
returns to the subject of fasting and the dramatic setting of
w. 179-182. If we consider the length of v. 181, we shall
find that when written out it occupies approximately the
same space as v. 180 and v. 182 together. The presence of
this latter verse seems to have arisen from the necessity of
adding to the space afforded by the back of v. 180 by using
the back of a verse from some other context.
The marriage laws in surah IV are a clear case of alter¬
native continuations. Verse 27 lays down the forbidden
degrees of relationship, and reproduces the Mosaic list with
some adaptation to Arab custom. That this was deliberate
is shown by v. 31, which states that “ Allah desireth ... to
guide you in the customs of those who were before you ”.
At a later time, however, some relaxation appeared necessary,
and w. 29, 30 and perhaps 32a were substituted for v. 31,
allowing marriage with slaves. Finally v. 28, which gives
ample liberty, was substituted for vv. 29, 30, and v. 32b was
added to give a verse-ending. The similar endings of vv. 31,
32a and 32b show that substitutions have been made.
The change of qiblah affords another example. The
passage dealing with it, II, 136-147, is very confused;
w. 139-147 especially arc unintelligible as they stand. When
analysed, however, they turn out to contain {a) a private
revelation to the Prophet of the solution to his problem, w.
* 39 a > 144 i ( 0 ) a public announcement, using part of (a)
accompanied by an appeal for obedience based on gratitude,
w. 139a, 145-147 ; and ( c ) the final form of the ordinance,
w. 139a, 139b.
The process of the introduction of the religion of Abraham
is outlined for us in II, 124-135 It takes the form of answers
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
95
to the assertion of Jews and Christians : v. 129a, “ They say :
‘ Be ye Jews or Christians and ye will be guided * This
is followed by three retorts introduced by “ Say ”. Verses
133-135 claim that the Prophet and his followers have a
perfect right to serve Allah in their own way, as did Abraham
and the patriarchs who were an independent religious com¬
munity long since passed away. This passage was cut off
and replaced by w. 130, 132, in which it is claimed that
Muhammad and his followers stand in the line of Abraham
and the patriarchs, Moses, Jesus and all the prophets. It was
again modified by the insertion of v. 131 in place of v. 132.
Finally, the short retort of v. 129b was written in, professing
the creed of Abraham, who was a hanif and no polytheist.
The back of the discarded passages was then utilised to add
an account of the transmission of the religion of Abraham
to his sons. This now stands as vv. 124-128, having been
put before v. 129, and not after it as was evidently intended.
The question of the pilgrimage, which was part of the
religion of Abraham, also caused difficulty. The ceremony
was recognised and Muhammad’s followers were counselled to
take part in it, but as hanifs, followers of the religion of
Abraham, not as polytheists, XXII, 32 . Sacrificial animals
were to be sent to Mcccah, w. 35 a, 34. But the bloodshed
to which Moslem attacks on Meccan caravans, and especially
the clash at Badr, led, made it dangerous for any Moslem
to visit Meccah. It was therefore laid down that the animals
dedicated for sacrifice might be slaughtered at home and their
flesh given to the poor. This we can deduce from XXII,
3 °' 38 ; 1
Fighting in the sacred months also caused difficulty.
Muhammad’s attitude is made clear by the analysis of
surah IX. They were at first recognised as a period of truce,
by a deliverance which consisted of IX, 36a, 2, 5, but as the
intercalary month, which kept the Arab lunar year in con¬
formity with the seasons, was decreed from Meccah, mis¬
understandings as to what months were sacred would soon
arise. Hence the deliverance which now stands as IX, 36,
1 Sec my article ' The Origin of the 'id al-odfid The Moslem World, XXIII
(1933). P- 117 ff-
96 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
37, abolishing the intercalary month and decreeing that war
with the polytheists was to be carried on continuously.
The discarded verses dealing with the sacred months now
appear as vv. 2 and 5, because the back of them was used,
with other material, for the writing of a renunciation of
agreements with polytheists, in fact the denunciation of the
treaty of Hudaibiyah which stands at the beginning of IX.
As the heading informs us, however, this is also a proclama¬
tion to be made at the pilgrimage. It has been altered and
added to for this purpose after the fall of Meccah. 1
The defeat of the Moslems at Uhud was naturally a
severe blow to the prestige of the Prophet. The passage
dealing with the battle, III, 97 ff., is in great confusion.
Analysis shows that there was an address intended for
delivery before the battle, which consisted of w. 97, 98, 99,
106a, 111-113, 119, 133 - 137 , 139-144, 152, 154 - Part of this,
perhaps from v. 133 onward, was redelivered, with a few
alterations, some time after the battle. Reactions to the
defeat appear in a reproof to the Prophet himself for having,
without authority, promised the assistance of angels, vv. 117,
120, 121 and parts of w. 122-124. That was later revised as
an explanation and rebuke to his followers. That he had
been inclined to speak angrily to them is indicated in the
private verse, 153. Part of this "rough” speech may be
embedded in w. 145-148, a passage which has been revised
and added to in a milder sense later. In fact, we can see
the attitude to the defeat growing gradually calmer and
more kindly towards the faithful. Finally, when the set-back
had been overcome, part of the original address was used
again, with a new continuation added after v. 106a, in
preparation probably for the attack on the Jewish tribe of
Nadir, vv. io6b-no; and the back of a discarded piece
was used for the writing of an ordinance prohibiting usury,
which has thus come to be mixed up with the Uhud material. 2
Treated in this way the Qur’an certainly becomes much
* See my article 4 Muhammad’s Pilgrimage Proclamation J.R.A.S. (1937),
P- 233 ff-
* For my analysis of other complicated passages, sec The Moslem World ,
xxii (1932) ‘The Men on the A'raf’ (vn, 44); xxxvm (1948) ‘Surat al-
Uashr (lix).
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
97
more intelligible. Much remains obscure, not only because
the analysis is uncertain, but because we do not know enough
of the circumstances. But we can at least discern something
of the way in which Muhammad inspired and guided the
nascent community of Islam. Occasionally wc even get a
glimpse into the inner mind of the Prophet, and learn some¬
thing of his plans, his occasional misgivings and self-re¬
proaches, and his ever-renewed assurance.
It seems clear, then, that the present form of the Qur’an,
which is practically the form given to it at the revision in the
reign of 'Othman, rests upon written documents which go back
to Muhammad’s life-time. Whether these were written by
his own hand is really immaterial. We know that in his
later years he employed secretaries, and there are even
traditions which tell of them being employed in writing the
revelation. It is, in fact, difficult to believe that no record
was made of the legal deliverances, often of some length,
which were given in Medinah. But if we read between the
lines of LXXXVII, 1-9, we may gather that he distrusted his
memory, and suspect that he very early took to writing out
his qur&ns and memorising them beforehand. That he kept
the fact secret is possible, though XXV, 6 implies that it was
at least suspected in Meccah. Secrecy may help to explain
the scarcity of writing material which led to backs of sheets
and scraps being used, though perhaps the fact that Medinah
was not a trading community like Meccah may be sufficient
to explain it. That the 'Othmanic recension was based upon
suhuf, or ‘ sheets ’ which were found in the possession of
Hafsah, we know. Tradition asserts these to have been the
collection of the Qur’an made by Zaid b. Thabit after
Muhammad’s death. We have seen above (p. 39) that this
tradition is open to various criticisms, and in particular it is
difficult to see how such an official collection, if it was made,
came to be in the possession of Idafsah, even though she
was the daughter of the caliph 'Omar. She was, however,
also one of the widow's of the Prophet, and as likely as any
of his wives to have been entrusted with the care of precious
documents. The fuhuf may have been in her possession, not
as 'Omar's daughter, but as Muhammad’s widow.
98
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
NOTE ON THE MOSLEM DOCTRINE
OF NA SIKH AND MANSUKH
This doctrine is based on verses of the Qur’in:
ii, zoo: “ For whatever verse We cancel or cause (the messenger)
to forget, We bring a better or the like
xm, 39: “ Allah deleteth or confirmcth what He willcth; with Him
is the mother of the Book
xvi, 103: “ When We substitute one verse for another—Allah
knoweth best what He sendeth down—they say: ‘Thou art
simply an inventor nay, most of them have not knowledge
xxii, 51 : “ We have not sent a messenger or prophet before thee,
but when he formulated his desire Satan threw (something)
into his formulation; so Allah abrogateth what Satan
throweth in, then Allah adjusteth His signs
What is referred to in the last verse is supposed to have been
completely removed, so as not to occur in the Qur’an.
The doctrine has been voluminously discussed in Islam, not
from the point of view of literary criticism, but from that of Law,
it being important for Islam to decide what ordinances of the
Qur’an were abrogated and what remained valid. In some respects
the doctrine was extended, on the one hand to include the abroga¬
tion of laws of the Pagan Arabs, or of Jews or Christians, through
the revelation of the Qur’an, and on the other to admit the possi¬
bility of an ordinance of the Qur’an being abrogated by the Sunnah.
Ash-Shafi*i, however, laid it down that when this happened there
must be something in the Qur’an to confirm the Sunnah. Others
held that the proper sense of naskh was that one verse of the Qur’an
abrogated another, and that in regard to this we must not follow
the opinions of exegetes or the founders of legal schools, but have
the authority of a direct statement of the Prophet or of one of the
Companions, though it might be possible to infer naskh from plain
contradiction of two verses, combined with a knowledge of their
dates. Other restrictions of the doctrine were introduced; it applies
only to commands, not to narratives or promises or threats ; altera¬
tions of practice, such as the recommendation of patience in Meccah
and fighting in Medinah, are not properly included under abroga¬
tion, but are rather instances of postponement of promulgation of
the full law of Islam because of unsuitable circumstances. There
are other cases in which, though a different law T is laid down, it
remains allowable to act according to the earlier one. As-SuyutI
in his Itqdn , adopting these restrictions, reduces the number of
cases of abrogation proper to twenty, of which he gives a list.
THE COMPILATION OF THE SURAHS
99
One should not perhaps expect the result of such legal dis¬
cussion to confirm results of literary analysis, though in a few
instances it does. What interests us is that Islam does recognise
that deliverances were sometimes replaced by others. Further, the
fact that these abrogated deliverances have been retained in the
Qur’an as it has come down to us, affords a strong presumption that
no attempt was made to adapt it to any preconceived ideas. The
retention of the recitation, with abrogation of the ordinance, is a
difficulty for Islam. As-SuyutI gives two grounds, (<z) the abrogated
verses were the Word of Allah, which it was meritorious to recite;
(i b ) abrogation was generally directed to making things easier, and
the earlier ordinance was retained as a reminder of God’s mercy.
CHAPTER VI
THE CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER
OF THE QUR’AN
It would be a great step towards the understanding of the
Qur’an if we could arrange its contents in the order in which
they were produced. To this problem much attention has
naturally been devoted. The headings of the surahs already
describe them as Meccan or as Medinan. But these state¬
ments do not carry us very far, even if we take them as
reliable. For it has always been recognised that these indica¬
tions of origin do not necessarily apply to all the contents of
the surahs to which they are prefixed, and that surahs may
contain passages of differing dates. Tradition has concerned
itself largely with the historical occasion of individual pass¬
ages, and has sought to find definite events and concrete
personalities with which to associate them. But the prin¬
ciples already laid down as to the use of Tradition (p. 20)
must apply here also. In many Medinan passages the refer¬
ence to external events about which there is independent
tradition is perfectly clear. But in the great bulk of the
Qur’Sn there is either no reference to historical events, or
the events and circumstances to which reference is made are
not otherwise known. In regard to such passages there are
often differing traditions, and as often as not the stories
related to explain them turn out, when critically examined,
to be imagined from the passages themselves. This applies
particularly to Meccan, or supposedly Meccan, passages,
where in the absence of definite information imaginative ex¬
egesis had free play. In any case, in the dearth of fixed events
in the Meccan period, the order of the Meccan surahs cannot
be regarded as fixed by Tradition. There is, in effect, no
reliable tradition as to the historical order of the Qur’an.
We are thrown back upon study of the book itself, and have
to base any chronological arrangement upon internal evidence,
100
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 101
except in so far as references to known events fix the dates
of a number of passages. 1
Several attempts to work out the chronological order of
the surahs have been made by Western scholars. The one
which has found most acceptance is that given by Noeldeke
in his Geschichte des Korans (i860). It was based on critical
use of Tradition, and on grounds of style, phraseology, and the
manner of setting forth the doctrines stressed at different
times. * It assumes a sort of progressive deterioration of style
beginning with exalted poetical passages, and gradually
becoming more prosaic.
Noeldeke distinguishes, as Moslem scholars do, two great
periods in the composition of the Qur’&n, the Meccan and the
Medinan. But within the Meccan period he distinguishes three
sub-periods into which the surahs are grouped. Those of the
first are mostly quite short. The verses also are short and the
language rhythmic and full of imagery. Groups of oaths often
occur at the beginning of passages in this sub-period. The surahs
belonging to it are xevi, lxxiv, cxi, cvi, cvm, civ, cvii, cii, cv,
XCIt, xc, XCIV, XCIII, XCVII, LXXXVI, XCI, LXXX, LXVIII, LXXXVII,
XCV, cm, LXXXV, LXXIII, ci, XCIX, LXXXII, LXXXI, nil, LXXXIV,
C. LXXIX, LXXVII, LXXVIII, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX, LXXV, LXXXIII,
LXIX, LI, LH, LVI, LXX, LV, CXII, CIX, CXIII, CXIV, I.
In the second sub-period, we see the transition from the sublime
enthusiasm of the first to the greater calmness of the third. The
Prophet seeks to explain his dogmas by numerous illustrations from
nature and history. Discussions of dogmas begin to appear. In
particular, the signs of Allah’s power in nature and in the stories
of former prophets are treated. To these latter a turn is given
so that they have a bearing upon Muhammad’s own experiences.
New modes of speech are to be seen. The oaths of the first period
are seldom used. The surahs grow longer, and frequently
have formal introductions, such as : “ This is the revelation of
Allah . . .”. Passages are often introduced by qul ' say \ The
use of ar-Rahmdn as a proper name for God belongs to this period.
The surahs belonging to it are : liv, xxxvii, lxxi, lxxvi, xliv, l,
XX, XXVI, XV, XIX, XXXVIII, XXXVI, XLIII, LXXII, LXVII, XXIII,
XXI, XXV, XVII, XXVII, XVIII.
In the third sub-period, the use of ar-Rafiman as a proper name
is dropped, but the other characteristics of the second are intensified.
1 An arrangement based on Tradition is given in the surah-headings of the
official Egyptian printed edition; see the tabic at the end of the chapter.
102 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
The prophetic stories are repeated almost to weariness. The surahs
belonging to it are: xxxii, xli, xlv, xvi, xxx, xi, xiv, xii, xl,
XXVIII, XXXIX, XXIX, XXXI, XLII, X, XXXIV, XXXV, VII, XLVI, VI, XIII.
In the Mcdinan period there is not so much change of style
as change of subject. The Prophet, being now head of a com¬
munity, issues laws and commands in the name of Allah. Often
the people arc directly addressed, and historical events arc dealt
with in didactic fashion. The surahs of this period arc: n, xcvm,
LXIV, LX 11, VIII, XLVII, III, LXI, LVII, IV, LXV, LIX, XXXIII, LXIII,
XXIV, LVIII, XXII, XLVI 11, LXVI, I.X, CX, XL1X, IX, V.
Sir William Muir in his Life of Mahomet gave an independent
arrangement of the surahs. It differs from Noeldekc’s mainly in
placing a number of passages dealing with the wonders of nature
earlier than Muhammad’s Call to be a prophet. Rodwcll in his
Translation of the Qur'an adopted Noeldcke’s order with a few
changes in the position of the surahs of the earliest group. Grimme
in his Muhammad (Part II, p. 25 ff.) gave an arrangement which
made more prominent to the doctrinal characteristics of the surahs.
He distinguished two main groups of Meccan origin. The first
proclaims monotheism, resurrection and judgment, and future life
of bliss or torment; man is free to believe or not; Muhammad
makes no claim to be a prophet, but is only a preacher. The
second group introduces God’s rahmah , ‘ mercy ’ or * grace ’, with
which the name ar-Rafimdn is associated ; the revelation of the
Book becomes prominent, and stories of former recipients of revela¬
tion arc recounted. Between these two groups come a number of
intermediate surahs in which the Judgment is represented as near,
and stories of punishment upon unbelieving peoples are told.
H. Hirschfeld in his New Researches into the Composition and
Exegesis of the Qur’an made a radical departure from Noeldeke’s
scheme and founded his arrangement on the character of the pass¬
ages as original revelation, confirmatory, declamatory, narrative,
descriptive or legislative. The interest of this is that it recognises
that it is passages rather than surahs with which we have to deal,
but it has not found much acceptance. R. Blach^re ( Le Coran)
returns to an arrangement based upon Noeldckc’s, but he gives
more weight to the development of Moslem worship and of direct
opposition to polytheism. He also divides some of the surahs into
portions of different dates, but this is vitiated by failure to discern
the natural points of division.
As a first approximation to the historical order of the
Qur’an Noeldeke’s arrangement is useful. But the criterion
of style seems to play too large a part in it. That Muham¬
mad's style did change, no reader of the Qur’an will be
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 103
disposed to deny. But we cannot assume that the change
was due simply to the waning of his initial emotion and en¬
thusiasm. Emotion may recur, and style may be deliberately
adopted to suit varying ends in view. There are, in fact,
passages in the Qur’an which seem to suggest that different
styles were used at the same time for different kinds of utter¬
ances, for instance, XLVII, 12. It is doubtful, too, if the
use of ar-Rahmdn as a proper name can, as Noeldeke held,
be limited to the middle-Mcccan period. It may have been
introduced then, but there is no record of its having been
deliberately dropped, and the Meccans who objected to its
use in the heading of the protocol of the treaty of Hudaibiyah
evidently regarded it as a kind of proper name when used
in the bismillah. Apart from such details, it is further to be
noted that Noeldeke’s scheme is a grouping of the surahs as
unities. He did recognise that occasionally passages of
different dates had found their way into the same surah, but
on the whole he retained the surahs in their traditional form.
Subsequent scholars, ■while still retaining the surah itself as
the fundamental unit and showing reluctance to admit
breaks in its composition, have tended to see more intrusion
of later passages into early surahs. But if, as has been
argued above, the unit of composition in the Qur’an was the
short passage, and the surahs were afterwards compiled from
such pieces, the date of the separate passages becomes a prior
question. There may be a slight presumption that passages
of about the same date would be placed in the same surah,
but it is at least possible that surahs may have originally
been made up of passages composed at different times. And
if both passages and surahs have been subjected to later
revisions in Muhammad’s own life-time, the problem becomes
more complicated still. It may well be doubted, indeed,
whether any complete arrangement of the Qur’an in chrono¬
logical order can be made. The best that can be done here
is to lay down some general principles and outline a scheme
into which the composition of the Qur’an may be fitted.
Any attempt to arrange the Qur’an in chronological order
must be based on a careful analysis of the surahs. This,
while complicating the problem, will often give us hints as
H
104 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
to the relative priority of ideas and forms of expression.
The attempt will have to be based on careful exegesis also.
The traditional interpretation naturally reads back the
developed system of Moslem theology into the Qur’an wher¬
ever possible. But we have no right to read into any passage
more than it actually says; we must endeavour to under¬
stand it in the sense which it had when first delivered.
In the absence of references to historical events, style is
a useful criterion of relative date. For there is no doubt
that the short crisp verse and studied rhyme belong to an
earlier stage than the loose trailing verse and mechanical
rhyme formed by grammatical terminations. But, as we
have seen, this may be modified by other considerations, and
is by no means decisive. Phraseology is perhaps a more
reliable criterion. Certain turns of phrase belong to certain
periods and developments of teaching and controversy. But
here also there are cautions to be observed. A word or
phrase once introduced tends to persist. The ritual recitation
of parts of the Qur’an must have favoured this. Again, the
revision of an earlier passage, or its occurrence on the back
of a sheet that was being used, may sometimes have in¬
fluenced the choice of expression in a later passage. Further,
there are many chance coincidences and curiosities in the
use of ordinary words, which might mislead us; and we
have to choose as evidence words and phrases which are
really characteristic of certain periods or phases of develop¬
ment. It is when we can link the introduction of a char¬
acteristic word or phrase to a definite event or turning point
of Muhammad's career that it becomes a clear indication
of date.
The first question which arises is that regarding the
beginning of Muhammad’s mission. Tradition has much to
say as to the beginning of the revelation. The prevailing
tradition is that the first part of the Qur’in to be revealed
was the first few verses of XCVI, 1-5, or perhaps 1-8. This is
part of the well-known story of the Call, which represents
Muhammad as having been in the habit of going annually
to Mt. Hira’ to practise what is called tahannuth. The exact
significance of this is not explained ; it was apparently some
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 105
sort of pious exercise expressing repentance or doing penance
for sin. When, in the fortieth year of his age, he was so
engaged, an angel, sometimes specified as Gabriel, came to
him with a scroll, and told him to read (or recite). Muham¬
mad replied: “I am not a reader”, meaning, probably:
“ I am not able to read On being pressed, he answered
at last: “ What shall I read ? ” and the angel gave him the
words of this passage.
There is, however, another tradition, which seems to have
been fairly widespread in early Islam. It gives LXXIV, 1-7
as the earliest passage, and represents Muhammad as having
seen a vision of an angel, or, in some versions, a vision of
Allah, as he was returning from Mt. Hir 5 ’ on one or more
occasions. Disturbed and terrified by these manifestations,
he returned home and asked his wife Khadljah to wrap him
in a ditkar. As he lay thus, the message came to him. This
tradition, however, did not prevail against the other, and the
usual account combines the two by a sort of conflation. The
story of the revelation of XCVI, 1-5 is accepted as giving the
earliest passage revealed ; but after that there was an interval
of two years. LXXIV, 1-7 was then the first passage to be
revealed after this interval, which is known as th t fatrah.
Now, both these passages are in the form of commands
to undertake a form of religious activity, and, on the theory
that Muhammad’s work began with a definite call and com¬
mission, are fairly obvious candidates for first place. The
supposed mode of their delivery, however, accords rather
with later theory than with Muhammad’s own early con¬
ceptions. It may be questioned if he had any idea of angels
to begin with; Gabriel, in particular, is not mentioned
in the Qur’an until Medinan times. The practice of tahannuth
is not mentioned at all. The whole story is in fact founded on
the nature of the passages themselves combined with the
visions which are referred to in LIII, with hints from references
in the Old and New Testaments to messages written on
scrolls, Ezek. ii, 9 ft, Apoc. x, and from Christian ascetic
practice. 1
1 I discussed this further in * Muhammad's Call The Moslem World , XXIV
0934 L P- *3
io6 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
The visions described in LIII, the reality of which there
is no reason to question, do not unfortunately give us any
indication of the message laid upon the messenger to deliver.
Strictly interpreted, they imply that it was Allah whom he
saw, and this seems to presuppose that his mind was occupied
at that time with the thought of God rather than with that
of the Last Judgment, as is frequently assumed. This agrees
with the impression given by the stories of previous mes¬
sengers, so frequently recounted in the Qur’an. They were
all sent to call their people to the worship of one God. We
may then reasonably assume that this was how Muhammad
at first conceived of his own mission, and to judge by his
later appeals to the Children of Israel, II, 44 ff., and to the
Bedouin, XVI, 72 ff., he would begin by stressing the bounty
and beneficent power of Allah. His attitude to other gods
varied. It would be rash to argue from CVI that he began
by summoning his hearers to worship the special god of
Meccah, the Lord of the Ka'bah. But Tradition asserts
that he did not at first attack the false gods, and this seems
very probable. When he did begin to attack them, he did
not deny them a certain reality; it is their power to create or
to save or to thwart Allah’s will that is combated. They were
inferior beings of some kind, perhaps associated with the
jinn. At one stage, according to the traditional story, he
proclaimed that they might be regarded as intercessors with
Allah. Later, perhaps about the time of the Hijrah, they
were regarded as non-existent; they are mere names which
the ancients have invented. Later still, in Medinan times,
probably as a reflex of the position assigned by Christians
to Jesus, they became real again. They are messengers
who have had worship thrust upon them, and will deny their
worshippers at the Judgment. It is not always easy to dis¬
tinguish this point of view from the first.
Muhammad’s emphasis on punishment for unbelief came
not quite at the beginning, but as a reaction to indifference
or opposition. His ideas took two forms. The earlier was
that the unbelieving peoples would be overwhelmed by Allah
in this world. The later, which developed as the number of
believers grew, was Apocalyptic—true believers would enjoy
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 107
the blessings of Paradise ; for believers who had lapsed, or
who did not believe in a future life, there would be the pains
of hell. This last idea leads to the introduction of many
new terms and phrases (sec below, pp. 108-109). It is possible
that the angels made their first appearance in connection
with the Judgment ; certainly it is in this period that they
and, in particular, the Spirit, ar-ru/t, begin to play a part in
providence and revelation. These eschatological ideas—
which do not altogether displace the idea of the temporal
punishment of an unbelieving people—are, in fact, evidence
of Muhammad’s contact with earlier monotheists and interest
in the revelation which had been given them. Of that revela¬
tion he seems to have known little to begin with. 1 Such
knowledge as he acquires is made available for his followers
in the Qur’an, which confirms what had preceded it (see
below, pp. 129, 134). It is probably to this period that the
introduction of the name ar-Rahmdn for God belongs, and
the spiritualising of the sense of rakm&h, ' mercy ’. With
the spiritualising of the relation of the believers to God and
the use of such terms as tawbah, ' repentance ’, -maghfirah ,
* forgiveness ’, kaffarah, ‘ absolution ’, and ridwdn, ‘ satis¬
faction we are already in Medinan times.
The removal to Medinah brought Muhammad into close
contact with Jews. His attitude was at first friendly, but
gradually became hostile. He discovered that the People
of the Book would not recognise his teaching. He discovered
also that Judaism differed from Christianity. That division
among monotheists was a puzzle to him ; passages which
discuss it are early Medinan. As a solution to this problem,
he fell back upon Islam, ‘ surrender (to God) as the funda¬
mental religion revealed to all the messengers, but afterwards
perverted by the presumption and jealousy of their followers.
He was thus able to claim a footing for himself as an inde¬
pendent prophet, and for his followers the position of an
independent religious community. In thus freeing himself
from the tutelage of earlier monotheists he found Abraham,
* For a fuller discussion of these statements, some of which may appear
controversial, see my Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment, Chs.
Ill and IV. Further evidence will appear in the following chapter.
108 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
who, neither Jew nor Christian, yet by common consent
enjoyed the favour of God, important as a predecessor. He
was the ancestor of the Arabs, and the founder of their
religion, a hantj , one of the fiunafd* or heathen, but no
polytheist. His religion Muhammad was to follow.
This important development and turning-point in Muham¬
mad’s career, which culminated towards the end of the year
II, introduced a number of new ideas, words and phrases
which are useful as marks of date. Passages of the Qur’an
which appeal to the testimony of earlier monotheists, or
profess to confirm what was previously revealed, are cither
Meccan or, perhaps more frequently, early Medinan. Those
which speak of more than one messenger to the same people
show knowledge of Old Testament history and are late
Meccan or Medinan. The word nabiy , * prophet ’, and most
other words derived from Hebrew, are Medinan. Abraham
becomes'a prophet only in Medinah, and his close association
with Ishmael belongs probably to the same time. The word
hanif and the phrase millat Ibrahim belong to the period of
the change in the year II. Islam , tnuslim, and the religious
use of the verb aslama do not occur before the year II, but
once introduced continue to be used. Muhammad’s claim
to be a prophet belongs to this period, and the use of the
word may continue though he shows strong preference for
his original title “ Messenger of Allah ”. Conjoined with this
is his claim to receive " the Book ”, but “ book ” has so many
uses in the Qur’an that it has to be used with caution as a
criterion of date.
After this crisis there are few changes in the religious
teaching of the Qur’an. The interval between death and the
Judgment still caused difficulty. Round about the time of
the Hijrah Muhammad was using death as a sanction of his
teaching, LXXV, 26 ff., I bn Hish 5 m, p. 340, leaving it to
be inferred that, as the soul was at death, so it would be at
the Judgment. Later, those who have died in battle for the
cause of Allah are said to be alive, enjoying the favour of
God, II, 148 f., Ill, 163 f. But the idea of the Last Day is
retained and the difficulty is not resolved. Fortunately, in the
Medinan period Tradition is more reliable, and external
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 109
events furnish a framework. Some other marks of date
may be shortly indicated. All passages which recommend
fighting, or speak of the Prophet’s followers being engaged
in fighting, are necessarily Medinan. So also it was only
in Medinah that Muhammad was interested in maintaining
the morale of a community. Condemnation of fasad, 4 cor¬
ruption ‘ treason *, is thus a mark of the Medinan origin
of the passage. Fitnah , a word which may have a similar
meaning, is too ambiguous to be a safe guide, though probably
the majority of its occurrences is Medinan ; similarly with
shiqdq , 4 schism ’. Medinan too arc the demand to 4 obey
the messenger ’, the conjunction of‘Allah and the messenger ’,
and the threat of 4 humiliation in this world ’ directed against
opponents, particularly the Jews. The designations applied
to opponents vary from time to time. Kafir , 4 unbeliever ’,
with the plural kafirin , is often used throughout; it is perhaps
associated with the initial stress on the bounty of Allah. The
other plural, kuffdr, is prevailingly Medinan. The related
verb is kafara, 4 to be ungrateful ’, 4 to disbelieve ’. Its con¬
verse shakara, 4 to be grateful is also general in use, but
the participle is not used to designate the Prophet’s followers.
Al-mushrikin , 4 those who ascribe partners ’ (to Allah) is a
general designation of idolaters at all periods. Al-mujrimin,
4 the sinners seems to be late Meccan and early Medinan.
Alladhlna kafaru, 4 those who have been ungrateful’ or
4 have disbelieved is a frequent designation of the Meccans
which continues into Medinan times. It is not, however,
restricted to them. Alladhlna salamii , 4 those who have
done wrong is Medinan and seems to be often applied to
the Jews. Muhdjirin and ansdr, neither of w T hich occurs
frequently, arc of course Medinan. Uncertain supporters in
Medinah were at first referred to as alladhlna ft qulubihim
marad, 4 those in whose hearts is disease ' ; their conduct at
the battle of Uhud earned them the nickname al-mundfiqin,
which from then on practically displaces the other.
IIO
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
ORDER OF THE SURAHS IN VARIOUS
CHRONOLOGICAL ARRANGEMENTS
The Roman Numerals give the order in the 'Othmanic Recension;
the Arabic ones that in the other arrangements; the numbers in
brackets give the verses which arc regarded as belonging to a different
time from that of the main part of the surah.
'Othmanic
Muir
Nocldekc
Crimme
Egyptian
I
6
48
79
5
II
94
91 (parts later
afewvv. Mec¬
can)
93 (192-6 later)
87 (281 later)
ill
108
97 (parts later)
100
89
IV
107
100
101
92
V
109
114 (parts
earlier)
95 (1-14 later)
112
VI
81
89(9* ?>
89
55 (20, 23, 91,
93 ,114,152-4,
Med.)
VII
91
87(156-8, Med.)
88(156-8, Med.)
39 (163-9.
Med.)
VIII
97
95
97
88 ( 30 - 37 ,
Mec.)
IX
114
1*3
114
U3(i29f.,
Mec.)
X
79
84
87
51 (41, 94-6.
Med.)
XI
78
75
86
52 (15, 20, 116,
Med.)
XII
77
77
85
53 (I, 2, 3 , 7 ,
Med.)
XIII
89
90
84
96
XIV
80
76 (38-42, Med.)
50 (38-42, Med.)
72 (33 f. Med.)
XV
62
57
48
54
XVI
88
73 (43 U ni-
125, Med.)
83 (111-25,
Med.)
70 (126-8,
Med.)
XVII
87
67
82
50 (28, 34, 35.
58 , 75 - 82,
Med.)
XVIII
69
69
81
69 (27, 83-101,
Med.)
XIX
68
58
78
44 ( 59 . 72 ,
Med.)
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN ill
Othmanic
Muir
Noeldeke
Grimme
Egyptian
XX
75
55
74
45 (130 f.,
Med.)
XXI
86
65
77
73
XXII
85
107(1-24,43-56,
60-65. 67-75.
Mec.)
49 (25-42, 76-8,
Med.)
103
XXIII
84
64
75
74
XXIV
103
105
98
102
XXV
74
66
73
42 (68-70,
Med.)
XXVI
61
56
71
47 ( 197 , 224-8,
Med.)
XXVII
70
68
70
48
XXVIII
83
79
69
49 ( 52 - 5 . Med.,
85 on jour¬
ney)
XXIX
90
81 (i-lo, Med.,
45 ? 69 ?)
68 (1-12, 45-6,
69, Med.)
85 (i-io, Med.)
XXX
60
74
67
84 (16, Med.)
XXXI
5 °
82 (13 f., 11-
18?)
65
57(26-8, Med.)
XXXII
44
70
64
75 (12-20,
Med.)
XXXIII
IIO
103
108
90
XXXIV
49
85
63
58 (6, Med.)
XXXV
66
86
62
43
XXXVI
67
60
61
41 ( 45 . Med.)
XXXVII
59
50
60
56
XXXVIII
73
59
59
38
XXXIX
45
80
58
59 (53*5. Med.)
XL
72
78
57
60 (58 f., Med.)
XU
53
71
55
61
XL1I
7 i
83
80
62 (22-4, 26,
Med.)
XLIII
76
61
76
63 ( 54 , Med.)
XLIV
58
S 3
54
64
XLV
57
72
53
65 (13, Med.)
XL VI
64
88
5 '
66 (9, 14, 34,
Med.)
XLVII
95
96
96
95 (* 4 , Mec.)
XLV1II
105
108
112
hi
112
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
*Othmanic
Muir
Noeldeke
Grimme
Egyptian
XL IX
113
112
no
106
L
56
54
47
34 ( 37 , Med.)
LI
63
39 (24 ff., later)
46
67
LII
55
40 (21, 29 ff.,
later)
45
76
L 1 II
43
28 (23, 26-33
later)
44 (21-3. 27-33
later)
23
LIV
48
49
43
37 ( 44 - 6 , Med.)
LV
40
43 ( 7 . 8 later)
42
97
LVI
4 i
41 (74 ff ?)
41
46 (70, 7i f
Med.)
LVII
96
99
102
94
LVIII
98
106
106
105
LIX
102
102
99
IOI
LX
hi
no
105
9 i
LXI
106
98
104
109
LXII
101
94
94
no
LXIII
104
104
109
104
LXIV
82
93
103
108
LXV
99
IOI
107
99
LXV1
112
109
113
107
LX VII
42
63
66
77
LXVIII
52
18 (17 ff., later)
38
2 ( 17 - 33 . 48-
50, Med.)
LXIX
5 i
38
37
78
LXX
37
42
36
79
LX XI
54
51
72
7 i
LXX1I
65
62
52
40
LXXIII
46
23 (20, Med.)
35 (20, Med.)
3 (10, II, 20,
Med.)
LXXIV
21
2 (31-4 later)
34 (55 l^cr)
4
LXXV
36
36 (16-19?)
33
31
LXXVI
35
52
32 (30 f. later)
98
LXXVII
34
32
3 1
33 (48 Med.)
LXXVIII
33
33
30 (37 f- later)
80
LXXIX
47
31 (27-46 later)
29
81
LXXX
26
»7
28
24
LXXXI
27
27
27 (29 later)
7
LXXXII
11
26
26
82
LXXXIII
32
37
25
86
LXXXIV
28
29 (25 later)
24 (25 later)
83
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE QUR’AN 113
' Othmanic
Muir
Noeldeke
Grimme
Egyptian
LXXXV
31
22 ( 8 -11 later)
23 (8-11 later)
27
LXXXVI
29
15
22
36
LXXXV 1 I
23
19
21 (7, Med.)
8
LXXXVIII
25
34
20
68
LXXXIX
14
35
19
10
XC
IS
11
18
35
XCI
4
16
17
26
XCII
12
10
16
9
XCIII
16
>3
15
11
XC 1 V
17
12
14
12
XCV
8
20
13
28
XCVI
19
1 (9 f. later)
12
1
XCVII
24
14
56
25
XCVIII
IOO
92
90?
too
XCIX
3
25
10
93
c
2
30
9
14
Cl
7
24
8
30
CII
9
8
7
16
cm
I
21 (3 later)
6 (3 later)
»3
CIV
10
6
5
32
CV
13
9
4
19
CVI
s
4
3
29
evil
39
7
2
17
CVIII
18
S
n
CIX
38
45
92?
18
cx
30
hi
hi
114
CXI
22
3
1
6
CXI I
20
44
91?
22
CXIII
92
46
39 ?
20
CXIV
93
47
40
21
All arrangements place surah II as the first of the Medinan surahs.
Muir has therefore 93
Meccan and 21 Medinan
Nocldeke „
90
„ 24
Grimme ,,
92
„ 22
Egyptian „
86
»» 28 ,,
With regard to the Medinan surahs, there is a fair amount of unanimity
as to their order, though all the Western scholars recognise that they
contain passages of different date. The doubtful surahs are xcviii, which
Muir regards as Meccan, Grimme as doubtfully so, and Nocldeke as
Medinan ; XXII, which Noeldcke classes as Medinan but with an
114 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
admixture of Meccan passages. The Westerns divide the Meccan surahs
into groups, within which they do not profess that their order is strictly
chronological. Muir places 18 surahs before the Call, thus like Noeldeke
agreeing with Tradition in regarding XCVI as the surah marking the
Call. His other groups are 19-22, 23-41, 42-63, 64-91, 92, 93 (CXIIT,
CXIV undatable).
Nocldekc’s groups are 1-48, 49-69, 70-90. Grimme’s, 1-30, CXI II,
CXIV doubtfully along with these ; 41-50. 5 1-89 ; XCVIII, CXII and CIX
doubtfully with this group.
CHAPTER VII
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
OF THE QUR’AN
SIGNS OF ALLAH’S POWER AND BOUNTY
TH E view stated above, that Muhammad began by stressing
the beneficent power of Allah, leads us, at any rate, to one
of the main strands of material which enter into the composi¬
tion of the Qur’an. It contains a considerable number of
passages in which the phenomena of nature are cited as
evidences of God’s power, or as instances of the benefits
He has bestowed upon men. These are often referred to
as ‘ signs ’. Those most frequently cited are : the creation
of the heavens and the earth, the creation or generation of
man, animals and the various uses and benefits man derives
from them, the alternation of night and day, the sun, the
moon and the stars, the changing winds, rain (water sent
down from the sky), the revival of parched ground, mountains,
rivers, the ship running on the sea, vegetation, crops and
fruits. Less frequently cited are shadows, thunder, lightning,
iron, fire, hearing, sight, understanding and wisdom. In
four passages the resurrection is included as one of the
‘ signs ’ ; II, 26, X, 4, XXII, 65, XXX, 39, all in surahs which
admittedly belong to the Medinan or to the late Meccan
period. The enumeration of these * signs ’ serves various
purposes. In some cases they embody a call for gratitude
to Allah, XVI, 14, XXX, 45, XXXVI, 73 ; or for the worship
of Him, VI, 102, X, 3. Sometimes they are proofs of Allah’s
creative power as contrasted with the impotence of the false
gods, XVI, 10 ff. Sometimes they are used as evidence
of Allah’s power to raise the dead, XXII, 5, or to inflict
punishment. But taken by themselves, these passages on the
whole set before us an idea of an exalted, powerful but
beneficent deity. They are not the sort of passages which
n 6 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
we should expect to be composed by one whose whole idea
of God had been coloured by fear of coming Judgment, and
whose religious activity had sprung from the impact of that
idea upon him.
1 hese ‘ sign ’-passages occur throughout the Qur’an and
do not belong to any one period of its composition. They
form, in fact, one of the means of appealing to men adopted
by Muhammad at all stages. In so far as they refer to the
permanent objects and constant processes of nature, one
would not expect to be able to trace any growth in the list
of the ' signs ’ cited. Gardens and palms, vines and pomegran¬
ates were no doubt more common in Medinah than in Meccah,
and there are indications that these did not belong to
the earliest list of ‘ signs \ But to argue that passages
containing these belong to Medinah, would be going far
beyond the evidence. Nor does there seem to have been
any fixed list which we can show to have underlain the
various passages. As we read them, we acquire a haunting
sense of familiarity, of repetition of set-phrases. Thus water
is sent down from the sky, II, 20, VI, 99, xv, 22, xvr, 10, 67,
etc.; the earth has been stretched out, XIII, 3, xv, 19, l, 7;
mountain-peaks have been cast upon it, XIII, 3, xv, 19, xvi,
1 5 > XXI, 32, etc.; the ship runs in the sea ; the sun, moon and
stars are subdued to service. This may perhaps indicate that
the signs ’ have been long in use, and become to some extent
stereotyped. But, though we can here and there detect a
kind of fixed order, it may at any time be broken through,
and the choice of * signs ’ cited evidently depends upon the
needs and suggestions of the moment.
These passages, then, do not in themselves offer any clear
indications of date, apart from the context in which they
occur. There are, however, indications that some of them
are older than the surahs in which they stand ; n, 19b, 20,
26 f., LXXX, 24 ff., lxxxviii, 17 ff. Many of them have been
revised and adapted to their present position, VI, 95 ff., 142 ff.,
X, 192, XIII, 2 f., 13 ff., XVI, 3 ff., XLI, 37, etc. Occasionally
these revisions introduce a reference to resurrection, XXIII,
12 ff., XXXV, 10 ff. The latter passage, like vn, 55 f., brings
resurrection into connection with the ‘ sign ’ of the revival of
STAGES IN THE GROWTH 117
dead land by the coming of rain. This illustration of resurrec¬
tion is peculiarly apt, especially in Arabia, where the effect
of rain is almost miraculous. Yet in the majority of verses in
which it is referred to, it is simply a token of Allah’s bounty or
power, without any reference to resurrection ; II, 159, XVI,
67, XXV, 51, XXXII, 27, XXXVI, 33, xliii, 10, XLV, 4. In
several of the passages where it is used to illustrate resurrec¬
tion there is reason to suspect that there has been revision ;
XXX, 47-50, where there is an evident addition in v. 48,
and the latter half of v. 49 could be omitted with advantage to
the sense ; and XLIII, 10, where a detachable rhyme-phrase
seems to have been inserted, as in one or two other verses in
the passage. It is evident, at least, that this * sign ' was used
independently of the proclamation of the Last Day and
Judgment, though this hardly proves that it was earlier so
used. In confirmation of its being early, however, we may
note the use of rahmah , ‘ mercy to denote the rain. This
word in the context of Judgment and future reward and
punishment acquired quite a different sense, and one may
question whether, when it had come to be frequently used
in this latter sense, it would have been used in the former,
had not the * signs ’ already taken shape.
Something similar may be observed in the commonly
cited ‘ sign ’ that Allah originates a creature, then restores it,
x, 4, 35, xvii, 53, xxi, 104, xxvii, 65, xxix, 19, xxx, 10, 26,
XXXIV, 48, LXXXV, 18. The reference to resurrection is
natural, and in the majority of these passages is quite clear.
In some, however, it is doubtful, and xxix, 19 seems to
suggest that it originally had no such reference but was
based rather on the return of vegetation. So in the recurring
phrases, “ He giveth life and causeth to die ”, and “ He
bringeth the dead from the living and the living from the
dead ”, the reference may have been originally to purely
natural events.
In some of the other 1 signs a certain development may
be traced. Thus the heaven, or sky, is quite often referred
to in the singular as a 1 sign \ But where creation is spoken
of, we find the plural “ heavens and earth In some
passages we find definitely seven heavens referred to ; II, 27,
118 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
XXIII, 17, XLI, II, LXV, 12, LXXI, 14, LXXVIII, 12. The
passage XLI, 8-n gives an account of creation, in which the
earth is created in two days, mountains and foods which
the earth produces in four days, and the seven heavens in two
days. This may be founded on a vague report of the account
of creation in Genesis, i. In other passages creation is said
to have taken place in six days; VII, 52, X, 3, etc. (seven
passages in all). One has the impression that the Biblical
account of creation did not enter into Muhammad’s earliest
use of the natural signs.
This impression is strengthened by consideration of the
references to the production of man. In XCVI, 2 man is said
to have been created from 'alaq, which is usually explained
as meaning ' a blood-clot Other passages give a fuller
account of the natural generation of man, from which it
appears that *alaq is the earliest discernible stage of the
embryo in the womb, XXII, 5, XXIII, 14. It is the wonder
of the generation of man that is referred to; xlii, 48 f.
So also when man is said to have been created from a drop,
XVI, 4, LIII, 47, LXXVI, 2 ; perhaps also when he is said to have
been created from water, xxv, 56. But in other passages
man is said to have been created from clay (tin), vi, 2, vil,
11, xvii, 63, xxxvili, 71, 77. In three of these passages
the statement is embedded in the story of I bits, and, as this
name seems to be derived from the Greek diabolos , one may
conjecture that the story and the statement come from a
Christian source; 1 cf. the occurrence of the word tin in
Christian surroundings in ill, 43 and V, no. In XXXII, 6
the creation of man from clay is combined with the produc¬
tion of man " from an extract of water base ”, cf. XXIII, 12.
In other passages man is said to have been created from
dust (turab), III, 52, XVIII, 35, XXII, 5, XXX, 19, XXXV, 12,
XL, 69. But in every case, except III, 52, where the position
of Jesus is being compared with that of Adam, this is com¬
bined with creation from seed, or something similar. All
this produces at least a very strong impression that the
original ‘ sign ’ was that of the natural generation of man,
* The Syriac word find is associated with the creation of man in the simile
of the potter, Jeremiah xviii, 6, Romans ix, 21; cf. Qur’an, LV, 13.
STAGES IN THE GROWTH 119
and that the Biblical account of man’s creation was later
combined with it.
To sum up, then, there are indications that ‘ sign ’-
passages, or lists of ‘ signs had a more or less independent
existence; that they had at first no connection with resur¬
rection and Judgment, but were used to set forth Allah’s
power and beneficence ; and that they were, to begin with,
taken from phenomena of Arab experience, and were later
combined with ideas derived from Jewish and Christian
doctrine. That this was Muhammad’s earliest way of
appeal to his people cannot perhaps be certainly proved,
but a study of these passages corroborates that assumption,
and appeals of that kind appear in what are traditionally
regarded as very early surahs, as XCVI, 2 If. CVI is specially
worthy of notice. In it the Quraish are urged to serve “ the
Lord of this House ”, that is the Ka'bah, because of the
success of their caravan trade, by which he had provided
for their sustenance. The designation “ Lord of this House ”
is unique ; the nearest parallel is “ the Lord of this district ”
in xxvii, 93. It could hardly have been used while Muham¬
mad was attacking the Meccan gods. To put the surah
after the conquest of Meccah and the cleansing of the Ka'bah
from idolatry seems, however, impossible, both on grounds
of style and because, at that stage, the ground of the appeal
would probably have been different. Tradition, however,
says that there was a period at the beginning of Muhammad’s
mission during which he refrained from speaking against
the false gods. One is tempted to regard this surah as belong¬
ing to that period, when perhaps he aimed at a revival of the
religion which centred round the Ka'bah.
STORIES OF PUNISHMENT; AL-MATHANl
Consideration of another clement in the contents of the
Qur’an leads to similar results. In XV, 87 we read : ” We
have bestowed upon thee seven of the mathant and the
mighty Qur’an ”; and again in XXXIX, 24 : “ Allah hath
sent down the best discourse, a book, self-resembling,
I
120 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
mathani , at which the skins of those who fear their Lord
do creep, but afterwards their skins and their hearts grow
soft to the remembrance of their Lord This word mathani
has been something of a puzzle to Qur’an interpreters. The
Moslem commentators do not give any satisfactory account
of it. It is its proper interpretation, however, rather than
the word itself which troubles them. It is an ordinary
Arabic plural form, the singular of which would normally
be mathnd. This form actually occurs in the Qur’an several
times, but always in a sort of adverbial sense ‘ twofold *,
IV, 3, XXXIV, 45, XXXV, i ; there is, however, no reason why
it should not be a noun meaning ' something doubled ’ or
‘ repeated Usually the commentators take mathani in
this way, and a favourite interpretation is that it refers to the
Fdtihah , which consists of seven verses and is frequently
recited in the statutory prayer and elsewhere. Another is
that it refers to seven long surahs, of which II-vil are the first
six, there being a difference of opinion as to the seventh. In
this case the sense of repetition arises from the repeated
stories, threats, promises and admonitions which they
contain. Sometimes Moslem scholars work with the idea
of * praise 5 which is associated with the fourth stem of the
same root, and explain that the Fdtihah , or these seven long
surahs, are recited to, or contain, the praise of Allah; the
singular of the word would then be muthni or muthnd. These
interpretations, however, assume a completed and static
Qur’an, and, beyond explaining the number seven, do not
suit the implications of the verses in which the word occurs.
The suggestion, first made by Geiger, that the word is
derived from the Hebrew mishnah , or better, as Noeldeke
pointed out, from the Syriac or Jewish-Aramaic form
mathnitha, does not give any more satisfactory sense. For,
even remembering that not only was the Jewish oral law as a
whole called mishnah , but that any particular part of it
might be so referred to, the number seven is difficult to
account for, and we are still left wondering what it was that
was distinct from the Qur’an, was self-resembling, made the
skins of those who feared their Lord creep, and thus by way
of fear promoted piety.
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
12 I
Sprcnger and several other scholars since his day have
taken math&nl as a proper Arabic word, in the sense of
1 repetitions and have interpreted it as referring to the
stories of punishment contained in the Qur’an. If we may
assume that these stories had at one time a separate existence,
the rest of the description would very suitably apply to them.
This assumption is indeed to some extent confirmed by the
tradition that an-Nadr, wishing to bring Muhammad into
derision, procured stories of the Persian kings, and recited
them in opposition to him. Set against most of the contents
of the Qur’an, such rival stories would be quite inept, but if
Muhammad were working with these stories of punishment,
we see an-Nadr's point. His stories would be more interesting,
and certainly more varied. Muhammad's stories, which are
also stories of previous messengers, resemble each other.
The general type of them is that a messenger is sent to a
people; he delivers his message, but is disbelieved and the
message rejected ; then the punishment of God falls upon
the people for their unbelief. Of such stories there arc
indeed more than seven referred to in the Qur’an, but that is
not a serious objection, and, as we shall see, they tend to
converge upon that number. The list of them is :
1. The story of 'Ad. The name of this people occurs in pre-
Islamic poetry, but no definite details are given. According to the
Qur’an, they were a great people of old, perhaps giants, vn, 67,
who built ‘ signs ’ on eminences, xxvi, 128; their buildings were
still to be seen. Whether they are to be identified with Iram of the
pillars, mentioned in lxxxix, 6, is a moot point which depends
upon the reading and construction of that passage, and cannot be
settled. It is, however, the simplest and most natural interpretation.
To them the messenger Had was sent; but they disbelieved and
were destroyed by a wind which blew for seven nights and days and
wiped out everything except the buildings, xlvi, 23 f., lxix, 6 f.
2. The story of ThamQd. That the Thamud were a real people
of ancient Arabia, there can be no doubt. They are mentioned in
an inscription of Sargon, by Ptolemy, Pliny and other classical
writers, as well as in pre-Islamic Arab poetry. They seem to have
been associated with the North West of Arabia, particularly with
al-Hijr (Meda’in Salih). Muhammad, probably though not
certainly, associated them w r ith this region. They are spoken of
as having bored the rock in the wadi, lxxxix, 6, having built
122
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
castles in level places and hewn out the mountain for houses, vii,
72, which seems to be a reference to the remains of buildings and
rock-hewn tombs to be found there. Their buildings were still
to be seen, xxvn, 53, xxix, 37. To them a messenger, $alih, one
of themselves, was sent, and as a proof of the truth of his message
a shc-camel and a foal were miraculously produced, which were to
be respected and given a share of the water. The Thamud, how¬
ever, disbelieved und hamstrung the camel. They were destroyed
by an earthquake, vii, 76, by a thunderbolt of punishment, xli,
16, by a thunderbolt, li, 44, or by a ‘shout’ sent upon them,
liv, 31. The unspecified people of xxm, 32-43, who were destroyed
by the ‘ shoutare probably the Thamfld, if they are to be identified
at all, and arc not merely a type.
3. The men of al-tfijr are probably the Thamfld. Though the
tribe and place are never definitely associated in the Qur’an,
in xv, 80-84, the only passage in which they are mentioned, they
are said to have hewn out houses from the mountains, and to have
been overwhelmed in the morning by the 1 shout ’ for having
turned away from the 4 signs ’. This corresponds to what is said
of the Thamud.
4. The people of Midian. Of them little definite information is
given. The only special item in their story is that Shu'aib, the
messenger sent to them, exhorts them to give full measure and
just weight, vii, 83, xi, 85 f. Like other disbelieving peoples, they
were destroyed—by an earthquake or by a 4 shout \
5. The men of the Grove, referred to in xv, 78, xxxvm, 12,
l, 13, seem, from the only account given of them, xxvi, 176-191,
to be identical with the people of Midian, for their messenger is
Shu'aib, and they also are exhorted to give full measure and just
weight.
6. The men of ar-Rass are referred to in lists of disbelieving
peoples who were destroyed, xxv, 40, l, 12, but no details are
given. Rass is a word meaning 4 well but it is impossible to
identify the place or the people.
7. The people of Tubba* no doubt were a South Arabian
people, though the idea that tubba' was a title of the kings of Himyar
has not been confirmed. They are included in a list of peoples
punished for unbelief in L, 13, and are cited in xliv, 36, but no
details of what happened to them arc given.
8. Sab&’ (Sheba). Whether this is the same people under
another name, we cannot say. A long account of Solomon and the
Queen of Sheba is given in xxvii, but, as a punishment-story, the
fate of Sheba is dealt with only in xxxiv, 14-18, and it does not quite
conform to the usual type. No messenger is mentioned as having
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
123
been sent to them, but they had a sign given them—two gardens,
evidently fruitful. They turned away, and the flood of the dam
came upon them and apparently ruined the fertility of their gardens.
This is evidently a reference to the bursting of the dam of Ma'rib,
which is known to have taken place in a.d. 451 (and again in
542). In the latter part of the story, however, there seems to be a
reference to the decay of the Sabacan caravan trade, which is
apparently regarded as a punishment for the lengthening of the
daily stages to be covered by the caravans.
So far, the stories mentioned seem to be derived from
Arab tradition. There arc, however, others which carry us
into the region of Biblical narrative. Midian, which has been
included above, is also Biblical and is in fact mentioned in
the Qur’an in connection with the story of Moses, but there
is no hint that the people of Midian, among whom Moses
sojourned, were the people whose fate furnished a punish¬
ment-story. The account of the fellows of the elephant in
CV, which is no doubt derived from some story of an ex¬
pedition against Meccah, is not really a punishment-story,
but rather of the nature of an encouragement to the Prophet.
The reference to the fellows of the pit in LXXXV, 1-9 is
probably not derived from the story of the persecution of the
Christians of Najran, and in any case has not the form of a
punishment-story. The Biblical stories used in this way are
the following:
9. Noah. Something may have been known in pre-Islamic
Arabia of the story of Noah and the Flood, though the references
in early Arab poetry seem doubtful. In the Qur’an, the people of
Noah arc frequently referred to as having been destroyed for
unbelief. As a developed story it is repeated in some ten places.
Usually Noah is sent as a messenger to his people, they disbelieve
and are drowned, while he and those who believe are saved in the
Ship (Ark). But in some of the passages, particularly in xi, 27-50,
the story is expanded so as to include details of the Old Testament
story and elements from extra-Biblical Jewish tradition. In
another set of passages Noah appears as a prophet, for example
iv, x6i, and the punishment side of the story falls into the back¬
ground.
10. Abraham. As a bantj\ a prophet, and founder of the
religion of Abraham, he is frequently mentioned. The story of the
visit of the angels to him is related as an introduction to the story
124 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
of Lot, xi, 72-78, xv, 51-60, xxix, 30, 31, and independently in
li, 24-37. This suggests that it was by way of the Lot-story that
Muhammad became interested in him. The story of his attacking
the idol-worship of his father and people, and, when disbelieved,
withdrawing from them is related in xix, 42-51, xxr, 52-73, xxvi,
69-104, and in xxxvii, 81-96. This last passage comes nearest to
the form of a punishment-story, but though his people are twice
referred to in lists of earlier unbelievers, who presumably were
destroyed, their destruction Is never stated. The most that Is said
is that they were made “ the worst losers ”, xxi, 70, or “ the
inferior ”, xxxvii, 96. The story is derived from Jewish tradition.
11. Lot. The story of Lot appears in quite a few passages
without any connection between him and Abraham being indicated,
vii, 79-82, xxvr, 160-175, xxvii, 55-59, xxxvii, 133-138. In fact,
it seems possible that it may have been first derived from local
tradition, for in several passages it is indicated that the locality of
the story is known and can be seen, xv, 76, xxv, 42, xxxvii,
137. It conforms to the type of the punishment-story in that Lot
is said to have been sent to his people. He accuses them of in¬
decency and sodomy. When they oppose and threaten to expel
him, he and his household are delivered, all except his wife, who
“ lingered ”. The town was then overwhelmed by an evil rain sent
upon it, or by a gravel-storm, liv, 34. When, as already noted, the
story becomes associated with the angels’ visit to Abraham, it
departs from the usual form in that Lot Is no longer a messenger
to his people, but is troubled when the messengers come to him.
In xxix, 25 Lot is one of those who believe in Abraham, and in
xxi, 71 he is delivered along with Abraham, and in v. 74 ff. he
is given jurisdiction and knowledge, so becoming a prophet rather
than the messenger in a punishment-story.
12. Al-Mu’tafikat, the overwhelmed cities referred to in ix, 71,
nil, 54, lxix, 9 are probably to be identified with the cities of
the Plain. For in these passages they seem to stand in place of
the people of Lot. The Arabic word is probably, as Hirschfeld
suggested, adapted from the Hebrew mahpekhah, which, in the
Old Testament, is associated with the destruction of Sodom.
13. Pharaoh is sometimes referred to, without mention of
Moses, as an example of one who suffered for his unbelief, for
example, liv, 41 f. In two passages he is described as dhu l-awtdd ,
' possessor of the pegs ’ or ‘ stakes ’, xxxvm, 11, lxxxix, 9. What
this refers to is unknown. It seems improbable that, as Horovitz
suggests, it should refer to his buildings, and there seems to be
nothing in Jewish tradition to explain it. It may be that Muham¬
mad had heard of Pharaoh in some other way, but the evidence is
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
125
slender. Usually it is the Biblical story of Moses and Pharaoh which
lies behind the Qur’an version. Sometimes it is reduced to the type
of a punishment-story, for example in xxm, 47-50, but more often
it is extended to include further details from the Biblical account
and others from extra-Biblical Jewish tradition. In some of the
versions the punishment of Pharaoh is a mere side-issue, the main
object being to give an account of Moses and the Children of Israel.
14. Korah. In xxix, 38 f. and XL, 24 f. Korah and Haman arc
associated with Pharaoh. In xxvm, 76-82 Korah figures as one
of the people of Moses who is given great wealth, but being puffed
up in pride thereby is destroyed through the earth sinking with him
and his dwelling.
Some of these stories (3, 5, 11) appear to be duplicates
of others ; 6 and 7 are mere references. The story of Sheba
is told only once, and that of Korah is evidently an outgrowth
of the story of Moses and the Children of Israel. Deducting
these, we are left with seven main stories which arc repeated
and seem to have been used on various occasions. These
arc the stories of the unbelieving peoples enumerated in
XXII, 43, the people of Noah, 'Ad, Thamud, the people of
Abraham, those of Lot, Midian and Moses ; all except the
last are enumerated in IX, 71 also. These stories occur
sometimes singly, sometimes in groups. In particular, there
are four passages in which we not only find groups of these
stories, but also signs that they have been bound together
into a separate composition. In XXVI, 9-191 the seven
stories are brought together, and all of them end with the
refrain—perhaps a double refrain—“ Lo, in that is a sign
but most of them have not become believers. But, lo, thy
Lord is the Sublime, the Compassionate.” Moreover, the last
five begin with the formula “. . . counted false the envoys,
when their brother . . . said to them ”, and arc otherwise
assimilated to each other. The first two, those of Moses and
Abraham, not only stand out of their natural order—which
is not of much weight—but they differ entirely in their
structure and begin in a different way. It looks as if there
had been a composition of five stories to which these two
have been prefixed. In vil, 57-91 we find these five stories
brought together—the story of Moses is recounted at some
length in the same surah, but it stands separately, v. 101 ff.,
126 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
and the end of the punishment-stories proper is clearly
marked by v. 99 f. Here four of the stories are more or less
assimilated to each other, and arc bound together by an
introductory formula, in which we have to supply the verb
from the beginning of the first. The story of Lot falls out
of the scheme; not only is it different in form, which might
be accounted for by the special nature of the story, but it is
introduced in a slightly different way. The same thing
appears in XI, 27-98, where these five stories appear in a
group; four of them arc bound together by the introductory
phrase carrying forward the verb used at the beginning, the
ends of the stories being also adapted to each other. The
story of Lot, to which now the angels’ visit to Abraham is
prefixed, breaks the connection, though some attempt has
been made to close the story in the same way. In LIV, 9-42
we find the four stories, Noah, c Ad, Thamud and Lot, bound
together by an introductory formula and a refrain ; the
story of Pharaoh is added as a short reference at the end.
Midian does not appear. Another group appears in XXIX,
13-39, though the arrangement is not so clear, additions
having apparently been made to the story of Abraham. The
stories of Noah, Abraham, Lot and Midian are bound to¬
gether, followed by references to 'Ad and Thamud, Korah,
Pharaoh and Haman.
It is clear then that Muhammad had a number of such
stories which he used sometimes separately, sometimes in
groups, and that the groups tend to take a schematised form,
the stories contained in them being assimilated to each other
by introductory phrases and refrains, and following the same
scheme so far as the facts of the story will allow. They are
" self-resembling ”, as the mathdni were said to be. XXXIX,
24 implies that these stories w f ere written, and XV, 87 that
they were distinct from the Qur’an.
To some extent we can trace the growth of this main group
of stories. Those of Abraham and Moses seem to be the
latest additions to it. Whether Lot or Midian was added
first may appear doubtful in view of the omission of Midian
in Liv, but the series in VII, XI and XXVI, which seem to stand
in some relation to each other, imply that Lot w r as a later
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
127
insertion into the group. Noah, 'Ad and Thamud are the
constant elements, and are frequently conjoined elsewhere.
Whether we can deduce from LIII, 51, where 'Ad is said to
have been the first to be destroyed, that the story of Noah
had not at that time been used, is doubtful, but it seems
probable that Muhammad drew his earliest punishment-
stories from Arab, rather than from Biblical, material.
These stories arc not given for their narrative or entertain¬
ment value. Their purpose evidently is, as we are told that
of the math&nx was, to soften the hearts of those who heard
them by fear of God’s punishment and so induce them to
accept the message. But they are not stories of eschatological
punishment. Resurrection and Last Judgment are hardly
mentioned. These do appear in the story of Abraham as
given, for example, in XXVI, but this, as we have seen, was
a late addition to the series, and there was apparently no
tradition of a striking temporal punishment of the people of
Abraham. In the version of the stories given in XI the
Judgment on the Resurrection-day is tagged on at the end,
but evidently the main idea is that the rejection of a divine
messenger has in the past brought catastrophe upon the un¬
believing people. Nor is the message with which the messenger
is charged one of the approaching end of the world and final
Judgment. It is consistently one of monotheism, the service
of Allah alone. Sometimes there is added the threat of the
coming of a “ mighty day ”, but in accordance with the
tenor of the stories that is to be interpreted, not as the Last
Day, but as the day of Allah’s intervention, when a special
punishment will fall upon the people if they persist in unbelief.
In the telling of these stories Muhammad adapted them
to what was occurring in his own mission. The kernel of
the story itself is usually given quite shortly, in such a way
indeed as to suggest that it must have been already familiar
to his hearers, but the scheme is filled out by variable accounts
of what was said by the messenger and by his opponents. In
many cases we find these things set down elsewhere as having
been said by Muhammad himself and by his contemporaries
in Meccah. Wc are justified therefore in taking these variable
parts of the stories as reflecting what happened in his own
128 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
experience. In one or two places we thus get valuable side¬
lights on his career. When Salih is said by his opponents to
have been one of whom they had good hopes, XI, 65, it
may be taken as confirmation of the tradition as to the
respected position Muhammad had gained in Mcccah before
he began his mission. And the account of the plot against
Salih, in XXVII, 49 ff., looks like a version of the plot which
Tradition says was made to assassinate Muhammad before
he left Mcccah. The story of Noah as given in LXXJ, the
earliest part of which is contained in vv. 5-19, seems to be
more a version of Muhammad’s own experience than an
account of Noah. If so, it confirms a tradition (Ibn Hisham,
pp. 157, 166), that for some time he carried on his work
privately, before he began to “ call his people publicly ”,
and. it also confirms the supposition that his early appeals
were backed by the promise of material prosperity.
Interpreted in this way the punishment-stories imply that
Muhammad’s message was, in the first place, one of mono¬
theism, and that, at the time when he began to use them, the
end of the world and final Judgment played little part in his
teaching. The theory behind them is that from each people a
messenger is raised up to call them to the worship of the
true God, and that the rejection of the message is punished
by the destruction of the people. That the messenger and
those who believed with him were delivered from the cata¬
strophe, is noted in some of the versions, but not in all. The
question, we may surmise, became more pressing as Muham¬
mad became gradually convinced that Mcccah was doomed.
That only one messenger is sent to each people is clearly
implied, if nowhere explicitly stated, X, 48.
THE QUR’AN
In XV, 87, quoted on p. 119, the Qur’an is distinguished
from the mathdni , and was at that stage apparently separate
from them. This is confirmed by other passages in which the
Qur’Sn is referred to as something distinct and special, V,
101, XVII, 62, etc.
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
129
The word qur&n is in fact used in several senses. It is
the verbal noun of qaraa and is used to denote the act of
reading or reciting, XVII, 80, LXXV, 17 f. I n a few other places
it denotes a single passage recited, X, 62, xni, 30, and
possibly X, 16, LXXII, 1. In most passages in which it occurs,
however, the word qtir'an seems to refer, if not actually to a
book, to some larger whole, a collection of recitations already
delivered or in process of being delivered.
This Qur’an is to be carefully composed, LXXIII, 1-8. It,
or at least the idea of it, is ' suggested * by Allah, XII, 3.
It is sent down from Allah, IV, 84, XVI, 104, XXVII, 6, LXXVI,
23, and could not have been produced otherwise, x, 38, xvn,
90. It is to be recited by the messenger, X, 62, XVI, 100,
XVII, 47, XXVII, 94, LXXXVII, 6 and XCVI, 1, 3 and listened to
with respect, VII, 203, XLVII, 26, LXXXIV, 21. It did not come
down all at once, but in separate pieces, XVII, 106 f., XXV, 34.
High claims are made for it; it is glorious, L, 1, LXXXV, 21,
mighty, XV, 87, noble, LVI, 76, clear, XV, 1, XXXVI, 69.
It is evident that the Qur’an was regarded as being
produced under divine behest and guidance, and was given
a special position. We must not, however, too readily assume
that these laudatory epithets apply directly and simply to
Muhammad’s own deliverances. When we find them re¬
ferred to as an Arabic Qur’an, XX, 112, XLI, 2, etc., it is
natural to assume that the Qur’an might exist in other
languages. The verb qaraa is probably not native Arabic,
and is comparatively seldom used in the Qur’an, where the
usual word for reading or reciting is tala. In the Syrian
Church the Scripture reading or lesson was designated
qerydnd, and it is probably from this that the word and the
idea were taken. When Muhammad undertook to produce
a Qur’an, he was aiming at giving his followers something
similar to the Scripture read in their services by other mono¬
theists. That the Qur’an was actually so used we know, not
only from Tradition, but from the Qur’an itself, XVII, 80,
LXXIII, 20. It was not only similar, but was in fact the
same; it reproduced in Arabic for Arabs the revelation
which had already been given to others. It confirmed what
was before it, III, 2, X,38, XLVl,29,and those who had previous
130 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
revelation in their hands could confirm its truth, X, 94, XVII,
103. Its doctrines were to be found in the Scriptures of
the ancients, XXVI, 196, the sheets of Abraham and Moses,
LHI, 37, LXXXVII, 18 f. That it agreed with them was a
1 sign ’, an evidence of the reality of the messenger’s com¬
mission, XX, 133. It, or its message, was “ a reminder in
sheets honoured, exalted, kept pure, by the hands of scribes,
noble and virtuous ”, LXXX, II ff., cf. LVI, 76 ff
The Qur’an, then, is the counterpart of the Scriptures
used and treasured by earlier monotheists. Its beginning
will fall about the same time as the institution of the sa/at, at
any rate after Muhammad had gained some adherents. It
marked a new orientation of his religious activity. It is with
this, and not with the beginnings of his mission, that the
passages traditionally regarded as the earliest in the Qur’an,
are to be associated : XCVI, 1-5, an exhortation to recite,
LXXIV, 1-7, a command to rise and warn, LXXIII, 1, 2, 4b-8,
an exhortation to compose the Qur’an carefully, LXXXVII,
1-6, 8, 9, an assurance of aid in reciting. These passages
were originally private, but they may be taken as examples
of the style in which the Qur’an was to be composed. The
short rhythmic verses with studied rhymes arc suitable for
memorising and recitation.
The Qur’an taught what man could not otherwise know,
XCVI, 4 f. ; it was a weighty word, LXXIII, 5 ; it was con¬
cerned with coming wrath, LXXIV, 5. We may, then, assume
the material of its early passages to have consisted mainly of
proclamations of coming Judgment, in which, of course,
resurrection and punishment and reward in a future life
were implied, xc, 1-11, XCII, 1-13 and the t</6<f-passagcs 1
in general may be taken as examples.
But while the Qur’an continues to be associated with the
idea of warning, it docs not remain limited to that. It brings
also good tidings to believers, and so we get contrasted
pictures of believers and unbelievers at the Judgment, and
of the rewards and punishments in store for them, as in
LVI and in LXXXVIII, 1-12. 2 It contains all sorts of simili¬
tudes and parables, XVII, 91, XVIII, 52, XXX, 58, XXXIX, 28,
1 See p. 77. 1 For a fuller treatment of this material see the next chapter.
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
131
including very elaborate parables, such as XVIII, 31 ft, XXXVI,
12 ft, LXVIII, 17 ft Further, the Qur’an guides to what is
upright, XVII, 9, and we may find in it moral precepts and
even regulations which are more characteristic of a later
period. But, meanwhile. Scripture had been found to contain
many edifying stories. Of them Muhammad had, up to a
point, been negligent, XII, 3. They are now, so far as avail¬
able, included in the Qur’an. These stories of religious
personalities differ from the punishment-stories ; their point
is not the overthrow of unbelieving peoples, but the example
and the consequent reward of the prophet or person referred
to. Some of them indeed refer to the same persons, but the
emphasis is different ; in XXXVII, 73-80 we can see the story
of Noah being transformed from the one type to the other.
Like the punishment-stories, too, these religious stories tend
to be grouped and bound together by introductory phrases
and closing refrains, as in XXI and XXXVIII. 1
It is evident, too, that short didactic-pieces, which might
include ‘ sign ’-passages and even an occasional punishment-
story, were put together to form longer compositions. The
best example is perhaps LXXX, for it consists of five pieces
which have clearly been separately composed, but are so
arranged that we can follow a line of thought binding them
together. In LV and the latter part of LXXVII we have the
use of refrain for the same purpose. It was possibly already
at this stage that revisions began to be made of earlier
passages to adapt them to their position in these compilations,
though there were, of course, other reasons for revisions,
arising out of changing circumstances and growing experi¬
ence and insight.
It is probably to these longer compositions that the word
surah came to be applied. It was shortly before or after the
Hijrah that the word began to be used, and its occurrence in
the first verse of XXIV suggests that it applied to something
of this kind. If the derivation of the word suggested above
(pp. 51-52) be correct, this would imply that these compositions
were written. This is confirmed by the mysterious letters at
the head of surahs. Whatever their meaning and purpose,
1 For the Scriptural material in the Qur’an see also the next chapter.
132 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
they were evidently written symbols, and it was about this
same time that they also made their appearance. The earliest
of them is perhaps that at the beginning of LXVIII, which is
followed by a reference to “ the pen and what they write
Others are followed by a reference to the Qur’an, XX, XXXVI,
XXXVIII, L. In XXVII, i wc find : “ These are the signs of the
Qur’an and a book which makes clear In this and similar
formulae it is uncertain whether " these ” refers back to the
letters or forward to the contents of the surah ; further,
“ book ”, though usually taken as a reference to the heavenly
Book, may simply mean ‘ a writing *; cf. the beginning of
VII, XI and XIV. In XLI we find the letters hd\ mttn, followed
by ” a revelation from the Merciful, the Compassionate: a
book (writing) whose ' signs ’ have been made distinct as an
Arabic Qur’an ”; cf. XV, i. In other cases the reference
to the Qur’an has disappeared, and it is the Book which is
spoken of; in fact, during the period of the use of these
letters, the Qur’an passes over into the Book. In the later
portions of our present Qur’an the word Qur’an itself is
seldom used, and where it does occur it can be taken to mean
a closed collection of recitations, as in IX, 112, LXXIII, 20, and
in Liv, 17, 22, 32, 40, if these verses be late. The recitation
of the Qur’an is no longer specified as part of the function
of the messenger, but has become a part of the ritual of
prayer.
There is some evidence that the Qur’an was definitely
closed about the time of the battle of Badr ; this corresponds
with the great change in Muhammad's attitude to earlier
monotheists. It is possible to take the passages above cited
as referring to a Qur’an still in process of delivery, but it is
difficult to take II, 181 in that way. The reference there
seems to be to a definite sending down of the Qur’an. This
is confirmed by the Moslem interpretation. It takes the
phrase defining the period of fasting " the month of Ramadan
in which the Qur’an was sent down as guidance for the
people and as evidences of the guidance and the furgdn ” to
refer to the beginning of the revelation to Muhammad, or
more concretely, to the sending down of the heavenly Qur’an
from the presence of God to the nearer heaven so as to be
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
133
available for transmission to him. There are other passages
in which, though the Qur’an is not specifically mentioned,
reference seems to be made to the sending down of something
as a whole at a definite time, XLiv, 2 : “ We have sent it
down on a blessed night ” ; xcvii, 1 : “ We have sent it
down on the night of power (or decision) ”. In vm, 42 we
find reference to something having been sent down “ on the
day of the furqdn, the day the two parties met ”, This
clearly designates the day of Badr and associates it with the
furqdn. Remembering that the battle of Badr took place in
the month of RamadSn, we seem to be led to the conclusion
that it was for this reason that that month was ordained as
the period of fasting, and that what was sent down was some
form of the Qur’an. That something of the sort was in
preparation is perhaps indicated by XX, 113, where the
Prophet is admonished not to be in a hurry with the Qur’an.
Possibly it was a written form of it which was now produced
as “ evidence of the guidance and the furqdn ”, This would
explain also the association of furqdn , which is probably
derived from Syriac furq&nd, * salvation ', with Scripture. 1 It
might also be the “ preserved tablet ”, cf. LXXXV, 21 f. These
arguments are, however, precarious, and the conclusion to
which they point is difficult to reconcile with the complete
absence in Tradition of any mention of such a written form
of the Qur’an. It may be urged in explanation of this silence
that the furqdn , of which this sending down of the Qur’an
was an evidence, played only a passing rdle in Muhammad’s
ideas. Only once is it explicitly said to have been sent down
to him, XXV, 1, and once this is probably implied, III, 2.
There is no mention of it in the later Medinan portions of
the Qur’an. Still, it is strange that what seems to have
some importance, though a passing one, left no trace in
Tradition. 1
1 See note on al-furqdn (pp. 136-138).
* The following tentative list of passages and surahs, the basis of which
belongs to this period, may be given: xevi, 1-8, LXXtv, 1-7, lxxxvii, 1-9,
LXXIII, 1 - 8 , XC, 1*11, CI1, XC 11 , XCI, 1 - 10 , LXXX, LXVIII, XCIX, LXXXII, LXXXI,
1-14, LXXXIV, 1-6, 7-12, C, LXXIX, LXXVII, LXXV1II, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX, LXXV,
I,XIX, LI, Lit, LV1, LXX, LV, L 1 V, XXXVII, XLIV, L, XX, XXVI, XV, XXXVIII, XXXVI,
xliii, XXVII, XIV, XII. XXXIX, xlii, x. xni. The surahs are quoted in Noeldeke’s
order.
*34
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
THE BOOK
Whether or not the Qur’Sn came to a definite close, its place
is ultimately taken by the Book. We have seen this happen¬
ing in the beginnings of surahs. Epithets which had been
originally applied to the Qur’an come to be applied to the
Book. Here, too, we have to remember that these epithets
may not apply directly to a book given to Muhammad. For,
by this time, the Book had become a designation for revela¬
tion in general. 1 But it is clear that what was sent down to
Muhammad came to be designated as kitdb, * writing
rather than as qur' an, 1 recitation \ That he contemplated
producing a book or writing of some sort appears from the
first half of XIX, where each section begins with the phrase :
“ Mention in the Book . . .” So wc find in a number of
passages that the Book has been sent down to him, III, 2, 5,
IV, 106, v, 52, xvi, 66. Some of these passages may possibly
be interpreted as meaning merely that knowledge of the
heavenly Book had been bestowed upon him, but in others
it is clear that a Book has actually come to him. Thus in
II, 83 a Book has come from Allah confirming what people
already had; so too in VI, 92, xlvi, 11, 29. V. 48-55 makes
it pretty clear that something similar to the Torah and the
Evangel was meant.
This was in accord with the situation which had developed
after the Hijrah. In his new position as head of a band of
refugees and mediator between hostile sections of the Mcdinan
population, mundane matters were claiming more of the
Prophet’s attention, and his deliverances were taking wider
scope. His knowledge of the nature and contents of the
revelation cherished by Jews and Christians had become
clearer, and was expanded by the close contact with Jews
into which he was now brought. The Qur’an, as he had at
first conceived it, no longer quite corresponded to what he
now knew the Book to be. Nor were the appeals, exhorta¬
tions and regulations which his position now demanded of
him suitable for inclusion in a Qur’an intended primarily
1 For a treatment of this idea see next chapter.
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
*35
for recitation. Besides, in the controversy which had
developed, especially with the Jews, his own position had
changed. His sense of prophetic mission had intensified.
He had become the leader and guide of an independent
religious community, and it was essential that that com¬
munity should, like the others, have its Book. The need had
been perhaps temporarily supplied by the special Qur’an,
but something wider and more inclusive seemed now
demanded.
This points to the early Medinan period as the time when
the Book was begun. The line between Qur’an and Book
need not be drawn too decidedly, for, in view of their some¬
what different nature, the two may have overlapped a little
in time. Surah II which, after an introduction, starts with
the story of Adam and then goes on to appeal to the Children
of Israel, and was probably intended to be the beginning of
the Book, shows that some at least of the material was
produced fairly early in Medinah, before the break with the
Jews was complete. But, of course, when the arranging had
commenced, earlier material would naturally be included.
The Book was never completed, and if it was ever planned
in any logical form, which is doubtful, the plan was con¬
tinually broken in upon by the necessities of a community
fighting for its life against external opposition and ever
calling for legislation to regulate its internal affairs and govern
its social life. The form in w’hich it was left is probably much
that of our present Qur’an ; the redactors of the time of
'Othman may have arranged the order of the surahs, but
seem otherwise to have followed what they found in the
suhuf as closely as possible. If this be so, and if we can
take the present Qur’an as representing the Book, it is evident
that it was intended to include all the kinds of material which
had come to him in the course of his mission. * Sign ’-
passages had probably already been included in the Qur an ;
others may have been adapted for inclusion in the Book.
The groups of punishment-stories in VII and XI show traces
of Medinan revision, which suggests that these stories also
were adapted for the same purpose. We cannot, of course,
say definitely whether the Medinan additions to early passages
K
136 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
were made for the purpose of including them in the Book
or in order to recite them anew in Medinah. For it is evident
that some pieces were used again after revision, just as
deliverances made in Medinah were revised in the light of
experience or of the needs of some similar situation. But
the two openings to surah XII show that that surah, which
had been recited as part of the Qur’an, was revised and
extended for inclusion in the Book. The variation in rhyme
in XIII and XIV argues that material put together for one
purpose was afterwards revised and added to for another,
so that we may expect to find later additions even in surahs
which had belonged to the Qur’an in the special sense. The
Book was, in fact, to be the complete revelation, including
natural signs, punishment-stories, Qur’Sn, and any further
deliverances which might from time to time be ‘ suggested ’.
NOTE ON AL-FURQAN
The word furqan occurs seven times in the Qur’an: n, 50, 181,
in, 2, vni, 29, 42, xxi, 49, xxv, 1. Its use is difficult to explain,
and various suggestions have been made as to its derivation. For
a discussion of these, reference may be made to Jeffery: Foreign
Vocabulary , p. 225 ff., who favours derivation either from the
Syriac purqdna or from the Jewish-Aramaic purqan. Something
will depend on the date at which the word was introduced. In
The Origin of Islam I assumed that xxi and xxv were Meccan
and that the word was introduced when Muhammad was occupied
with the deliverance of believers from the temporal catastrophe
which he had proclaimed would fall upon an unbelieving com¬
munity. I am now inclined to think that the word belongs to
about the time of Badr. So far as Muhammad and his followers
are concerned, the giving of the furqan cannot be earlier than that.
viii, 29 clearly implies that no furqan had yet been given them ;
for it is a promise that one will be given them if they believe. This
promise was evidently fulfilled at the time of Badr, which is referred
to as “ the day of the furqan ”, viii, 42. The mention of the furqan
in hi, 2 and xxv, 1 must therefore be later than Badr. 11, 50, in
which the Book and the furqan are said to have been given to
Moses, belongs to the time when Muhammad was still appealing to
the Jews and must, though Mcdinan, be considerably earlier than
Badr. xxi, 49, in which the furqan is given to Moses and Aaron,
STAGES IN THE GROWTH
137
and is associated with illumination and the reminder, probably
belongs to about the same time. The association of Aaron with
Moses suggests that v, 28 may have some relevance here and throw
light on Muhammad’s interpretation of the term. This passage,
which recounts the refusal of the people of Moses to enter the Holy
Land if it involved fighting, ends with Moses* appeal : “O my
Lord, I control no one but myself and my brother ; make a separa¬
tion ( fa-frug ) between us and the reprobate people ’*. According
to 11, 48-50 it was at Sinai, after the incident of the golden calf, that
Moses received the Rook and the furqdn. In the passage vn, 142 ft.,
which tells of the giving of the tablets (alw&Ji) to Moses, his return
to find that his people had meanwhile set up a calf to be worshipped,
his upbraiding of Aaron, and the latter’s excuse and appeal not to
be placed with the wrong-doing people, we find Moses again praying:
“ O my Lord, forgive me and my brother and cause us to enter into
Thy mercy ” (v. 150), and this is followed by the declaration of the
different treatment to be accorded to “ those who took the calf ”
and “ those who have done evil deeds and then thereafter have
repented and believed There is, indeed, no mention of the furqdn
here, or any use of the Arabic root faraqa , 4 to separateBut there is,
in fact, a separation made between those who are accepted of God
and those who are not; and v. 155, with its curious use of the root
hud , seems to imply that this was, in Muhammad’s mind, the
origin of the Jews, Yahud , as a distinct religious community.
In the period before Badr Muhammad had been breaking away
from the Jews and the Christians and setting up his followers also
as a distinct religious community. We can imagine that they,
exposed to the taunts of Jews and Christians alike, who both
claimed to have assurance of divine acceptance based in each case
on a deliverance, were a little uneasy that they had no such assur¬
ance, no furqdn. This seems to be the situation which is met in
vin, 29; we may note that there the furqdn is associated with
absolution from evil deeds and forgiveness. This gives a slight
presumption that it was from Christian sources that the word was
derived, but Muhammad must have associated it with the Arabic
root faraqa , ‘ to separate ’, and taken it to imply the separation
of an accepted religious community from the unbelievers. This
was associated also, as in the case of Moses, with the giving of a
distinctive revelation. The Jews had the Torah, and the Christians
had the Evangel; so now the Moslems have the Qur*Sn as their
form of the Book; in, 2, ix, 112.
The victory at Badr was not only a ‘ deliverance ’ of the small
band of Moslems who had gone out with Muhammad expecting to
intercept a caravan and had found themselves face to face with an
army. It was a final separation between Muhammad’s followers
138 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
and the unbelieving Meccans; after the bloodshed which had taken
place there could be nothing but enmity. It was also a sign of the
acceptance of the Moslem community in Allah’s eyes, and of the
rejection of the unbelievers, in, 10 f. If wc may take xlviii, i ff.
in this connection, it meant a new assurance on Muhammad’s
own part, an assurance of the forgiveness of sins. There is some
ground for this, for the fatfi , ‘ clearing-up ’, which is there said to
liave been given him, is in vm, 19 definitely associated with Badr.
All this confirms the suggestion that the choice of the month of
Ramadan as the period of fasting was due to the victory having
been won in that month. 11, 1S1, which ordains the fast, says that
m that month the Qur’an was sent down as guidance for the people
and as evidences of the guidance and the furqdn ; in vm, 42 some¬
thing is said to have been sent down on the day of the furqdn , the
day the two parties met—a clear reference to the day of Badr.
Here, then, we have the appearance of the Qur’an as the distinctive
Scripture of an independent Moslem religious community, linked
with the furqdn , the separation of believers from unbelievers, and
the assurance of forgiveness and acceptance with God ; and both
linked with the day of Badr.
CHAPTER VIII
CONTENTS AND SOURCES OF THE QUR’AN
TEACHING
No man can entirely divest himself of the ideas of his youth.
It was only natural that some of the primitive ideas of Arab
paganism should have clung to Muhammad, and should
appear in the Qur’an. The jinn, those eerie spirits by which
the primitive Arab felt he was surrounded, are regarded as
real beings, though it is denied that they can be of use to
man in discovering secrets. Shooting stars are interpreted
as heavenly projectiles launched to drive away the jinn and
prevent them gaining knowledge of secrets by listening to
the deliberations of the High Council. 1 Such matters are
unessential. More characteristic of the Qur’an is the reaction
from pagan ideas. It was Muhammad’s life-work to over¬
throw the polytheism of his people. Some of the pagan
deities are referred to by name. The idea that the goddesses
arc the daughters of Allah, and that Allah should have
female offspring, while men have male children, is ridiculed.
The food taboos of paganism arc rejected, as well as the
related custom of sacrificing animals on stone altars, probably
regarded as representing the deity. The practice of burying
female infants alive was condemned and abolished. On
the other hand, some of the practices of the pre-Islamic
Arabs were adopted, in a modified form no doubt, into
Islam. Thus the pilgrimage, the visiting of the Ka'bah and
circling round it, and the reverence paid to the Black Stone
which is built into its wall, were pre-Islamic practices. The
law of retaliation was adopted, modified by the proviso that the
injury inflicted must not exceed the injury received, and by
the recommendation that it was better and more meritorious
to forgive the injury altogether. In fact, after his quarrel
1 See p. 144-
139
Mo INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
with the Jews, Muhammad regarded it as his function to
purify the Arab religion and restore it to its primitive mono¬
theism. The deliberate incorporation of Arab practices be¬
longs to that period.
The interest of Western scholars has naturally been con¬
centrated more on those elements of the Qur’an which show
kinship with Judaism and Christianity. That it contains
much Biblical material is evident at a glance, and we have
seen that the Book which was in the hands of Jews and
Christians attracted much attention from Muhammad. The
difficulty he appears to have had in obtaining a correct idea
of the nature and contents of the Scriptures forbids us to
conceive of Muhammad as having been in close contact
with either Jews or Christians before the beginning of his
mission. That he borrowed largely in the course of that
mission is acknowledged. In fact, the claim to produce an
Arabic Qur’an and to confirm the Scriptures which were
before it, shows that he consciously aimed at reproducing the
main part of these Scriptures. But this direct borrowing of
Biblical, or what he believed to be Biblical, material belongs
mainly to his late Meccan and early Medinan period. Later,
the knowledge which he had acquired of Jewish and Christian
doctrine and practice no doubt influenced his teaching and
regulation of his community, but again in a more or less
indirect way. Muhammad, in truth, occupies a more in¬
dependent position than has usually been allowed to him.
He is also an independent personality, not perhaps an
original thinker, but a i effective man in close contact with
the realities of life, who put his own stamp even on his
borrowings.
The Idea of God .—The fundamental doctrine of the
Qur’an is that there is only one God. From that doctrine
Muhammad never wavered from start to finish of his mission,
except perhaps on the one occasion when he was tempted to
compromise with the Quraish by acknowledging other beings
as intercessors with Allah. For the most part it is directed
against the polytheism of his own Arab people. To associate
other beings with Allah in worship is the deepest offence to
Allah, and is at the same time stupid and unintelligent. At
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 141
a later stage in Medinah, when he came into direct contact
with Christianity, he was equally uncompromising towards
the Christian doctrines of the Sonship of Christ and of
the Trinity, the worship of Jesus and the veneration of the
Virgin Mary. He never understood the doctrine of the
Trinity ; if he had, he might have tempered somewhat
the baldness of his conception of God, but it must be admitted
that in the beliefs and practices of the Christians with whom
he came into contact, there was probably justification for his
protest.
Characteristic of God is the power to create. The false
gods have created nothing. “ They (the unbelievers) have
taken, apart from Him, gods who have created nothing, but
are themselves created ”, XXV, 3. “Say: 4 Have ye con¬
sidered what ye call upon apart from Allah ? Show me any
part of the earth that they have created, or have they a share
in the heavens ? ’ ”, xlvi, 3. “ Those whom ye call upon
apart from Allah will not create a fly, even if they join
together to do it ”, XXII, 72. There cannot be any god
apart from Allah, for then 44 each god would go off with
what he had created, and set himself up against the others ",
XXIII, 93.
As to the nature of the false gods, the statements of the
Qur’an vary somewhat. Prevailingly, they are regarded as
being nothing at all. “ They neither profit nor hurt ”, XXV,
57. “ They arc not able to help themselves ”, XXI, 44.
They are designated al-bdtil , 4 the vain thing’, XXIX, 52.
People take their own desire as a god, XXV, 45. “ What
ye worship apart from Allah are only names which your
fathers have named ”, XII, 40. The polytheists will be asked
on the Resurrection-day where their gods are, XVI, 29. They
will call for them but will receive no answer, xvm, 50. At
other times a certain reality is assigned to these gods. In
one passage they are said to be jinn, vi, 100; in another
the polytheists are said to worship a rebellious Satan, IV, 1 1 7.
In another the gods go to Gehennah along with their wor¬
shippers, XXI, 98, 99. In others, while actually present at
the Judgment, they repudiate any responsibility for the
worship offered them, X, 29 f., xxv, 18/. These latter passages
142 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
perhaps refer to messengers, such as Jesus, to whom their
followers have offered worship.
In contrast to them, Allah is the one who creates, xcvi, i,
2. He is the creator of everything. He is the creator of the
heavens and the earth and what is between them. Every¬
thing therefore belongs to Him. Man may have a certain
power over things on the earth, he is khalifat Allah on the
earth, but Allah is the owner of all power; He gives it to
whomsoever He wills and takes it from whomsoever He
wills, and in the end all things return to Him; He inherits
everything. Allah is able to do anything. When He decides
upon a thing He simply says 44 Be ”, and it is. All things in
heaven and earth are His creatures.
Allah being the creator of all things, the good things of
life are His gift. He gives freely to some, to others He
measures things out, but no one ran c omplain of being
wronge d. He has a claim to gratitude from man, and the
sign of gratitude is to acknowledge Allah as God and worship
Him. Not to do so is kufr , properly 4 ingratitude but thus
coming to mean 4 unbelief The word which has come to
be used for the name of the religion which Muhammad
founded, Islam, does not make its appearance until Medinan
times, but it too springs from the idea of Allah’s power, and
man’s dependence. Islam is the surrender of oneself to
Allah’s will made known in revelation. \ {/ ,
No doubt there is some measure of development in the
idea of God, but fundamentally it remains the same all
through. What change there is, is in the direction, first, of
increasing realisation of the sublimity of Allah and of the
spiritual nature of His good gifts and His mercy, and,
second, of stressing the arbitrary power of Allah at the
expense of His benevolence. The idea of arbitrary pre¬
destination hardens, as was perhaps natural in the course
of the stern struggle which the Prophet had to carry his
religion to success, but the bounty and goodness of Allah arc
never dropped out of sight entirely.
That is the aspect of Allah’s character which was
stressed at the beginning. It is J the one which lies behind the
1 Cf. kajara, p. 109.
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 143
‘ sign ’-passages. Tor Andrae has sought to make out that
this materia! is Christian, but he assumes a direct bearing of
these ' signs ’ upon the resurrection, which is not present in the
Qur’Sn, or appears only in the later * sign ’-passages. The
essential function of the 4 signs ’ in the Qur’an is to inculcate
the power and bounty of Allah, and they relate too closely
to Arab conditions to have been directly borrowed from
outside. This thcistic use of them was, no doubt, derived
from the influence of Judaism and Christianity upon Arabia.
But the question which of these religions had more influ¬
ence on Muhammad to start with is really the question
which of them had contributed more to form that atmo¬
sphere, presumably fairly widespread, of dissatisfaction with
polytheism.
The derivation of the name Allah is not quite certain.
Wcllhauscn suggested that it was a contraction for al-ildh,
‘ the god Each tribe would refer to its own god as 4 the
god ’, and hence the name. Others hold that it is the Syriac
aldhd, and to this I would myself incline, but as the name
was in use in Arabia in pre-Islamic times, that proves nothing
as to the derivation of Muhammad's monotheism. The other
proper name which is given to God, namely, ar-Rahm&n ,
also seems to have been in use in Arabia before Muham¬
mad's time. It has been found in South Arabian inscrip¬
tions, and it was used by other prophets who appeared in
Arabia towards the end of Muhammad’s life. The form
may be Jewish; it seldom occurs in Syriac, and is common
in Jewish writings ; but Muhammad’s direct dependence on
Judaism for its adoption is very doubtful. It is a quite
regular Arabic form. In any case, it hardly belongs to the
earliest parts of the Qur’an. Its introduction is no doubt
associated, as Grimme held, with the stress which is laid in
the later Meccan period on God’s rahmah , 4 mercy ’, which
is conceived in a much more spiritual sense than the earlier
use of the word implies. This is an element of the gentler
and richer idea of God which appeared, partly under stress of
failure and persecution and partly as the result of growing
knowledge of earlier Scripture, towards the end of the
Meccan period, and continued, for the believers at least, to
144 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
temper the sternness of God's arbitrary power which had
become prominent in Mcdinan times. Whether it was
through Jewish or Christian channels that this mellowing
influence came, we do not know. As Grimme says, however,
it was in Christianity that the idea of the love of God had
been given most prominence, and there is other evidence
that it was through Christian channels that knowledge of the
Scriptures was coming to Muhammad at this stage.
Other Spiritual Beings .—Angels do not appear in the
earliest parts of the Qur’an ; they belong to the period of
closer contact with Judaism and Christianity. If we judge
by the form of the word maTak , and especially by its plural
malaikah , it is a borrowing from Ethiopic, and thus reached
Muhammad from Christian sources. But it seems probable
that the word was known to the Arabs before his time, though
unlikely that pagans were so interested in the idea as to
demand that an angel should have been sent as messenger,
XLI, 13, or in company with him, XLIII, 53. The nature of
the High Council is not clear. In XXXVII, 8 it belongs to a
piece of pagan mythology, but in XXXVIII, 69 it seems to
denote the angels to whom Allah made known His intention
to create man, cf. verse 71. Another question, difficult to
answer, is, who were the people who held the angels to be
female, XXXVII, 150, XLIII, 18, or gave them female names,
LIU, 28? We seem to be driven to assume that some pagans
had adopted the idea of angels, or that Muhammad himself
represented the worship of goddesses as worship of supposed
female angels.
The angels are subordinate and created beings, XXI, 26;
they arc messengers, XXXV, 1 ; they surround the throne and
sing the praises of Allah, XL, 7, XLII, 3 ; on the Judgment-
day they will be seen, n, 206, XXXIX, 75, LXIX, .17; their
coming would betoken that the end was at hand, XV, 8;
being part of ‘ the affair of Allah * they become watchers
over men, and recorders of their deeds, XIII, 12, LXXXII, 10 f.;
they call in the souls of men at death, XVI, 30, 34 ; they
become also the medium of revelation, a function which falls
specially to Gabriel, II, 91, LXXXI, 19 ff. The only other
angel mentioned by name is Michael, II, 92.
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
145
The Spirit also belongs to * the affair of Allah XVII, 87 ;
like the angels, it will appear at the Judgment, LXXViir, 38 ;
the angels bring it to whomsoever God wills, evidently as part
of the inspiration of a prophet, XVI, 2, XL, 15. Thus it is
implanted in Muhammad, XLII, 52, and, probably as an
intermediate step, becomes like Gabriel the bearer of the
Qur’an, XXVI, 193. This is, no doubt, a development of
Old Testament ideas. Where Jesus is said to be supported
by the spirit of holiness, II, 81, 254, V, 109, Christian ideas no
doubt form the background. Allah’s spirit is breathed into
Maryam (the Virgin Mary), XXI, 91, and Jesus is said to
be a spirit from Him, IV, 169. But no clear idea emerges
either of the prophetic spirit or of the spirit of holiness.
At the other end of th^ scale are the satans who, in many
respects, resemble the jinn and perhaps took their place,
LXVII, 5. They are, however, of the tribe of Satan, VII, 26,
and prompt men to evil, XIX, 86, XXIU, 99. They are assigned
to unbelievers as mates, XLI, 24, XLIII, 35, just as the angels
are the guardians of believers.
Satan, ash-Shait&n, the great enemy of mankind, belongs
to the Jewish and Christian thought-world. To judge by the
form of the word, it and the idea came through Ethiopic
Christian channels. A Christian origin is also indicated by
the name Iblis,' which in some narratives takes the place of
ash-Shait&n. He is an angel, deposed for his pride in
refusing to do obeisance to man at his creation, II, 32, XV,
28 fif. He is respited and given permission to tempt men
from the straight path. He has, however, no real authority
over them. He makes their deeds seem fair to them, VIII,
50, xvi, 65, but urges to evil and unseemliness, II, 164. He
whispers in the breasts of men, VII, 19, XX, 118, CXIV, 4 f.,
and may even insinuate something into the deliverances of
prophets, XXII, 51. His footsteps are not to be followed, for
he is a betrayer of men, XXV, 31, and will repudiate their
service at the last, XIV, 26 f.
The Prophet. —Muhammad’s doctrine of the messenger
or prophet is coloured by his own experience. At first, he is
simply a messenger to his own town. Other messengers had
1 See p. 118.
146
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
been sent before him. Each had been sent to his own people
to call them to the worship of the one God and to warn them
of the consequences of unbelief. It has been suggested that
this idea of a messenger to each community, bringing to
each the same message, is derived from, or has kinship with,
Manichaean ideas. But it hardly seems necessary to go so
far for the idea of rasiil Allah. Anyone sent on a commission
from one to another was, in Arabia, a rasiil. If Muhammad
felt himself impelled to advocate the worship of the one God,
Allah, he would very naturally claim to be the Messenger of
Allah. The idea of similar messengers having been sent to
earlier communities needs no further explanation than the
inquiring mind of a man who found himself disbelieved, and
looked round for material to impress upon his people the
danger and disastrous effects of unbelief.
Without altogether displacing this simple idea of the
messenger, contact with Biblical ideas gave the message a
wider application; it became ** a reminder to the worlds ”,
Vi, 90, LXVIII, 52. But though Muhammad’s message
became implicitly universal, he continued to deal almost
exclusively with the people with whom he was in contact.
He never lost his foothold in the actual world. ITis own
experience of divine prompting is the key to his under¬
standing of the prophets ; but there is a progressive inter¬
action between his interpretation of his experience and
mission, and the conception of the prophet which he learned
from Jews and Christians. At first he seems to have con¬
ceived that the prompting came from Allah in person. Then,
probably under the influence of the Old Testament idea of
the Spirit which came upon the prophets, he interprets his
experience as caused by a spirit implanted in him by Allah,
XLII, 52. Finally, it is the angels who arc the bearers of
revelation, and it is Gabriel in particular who brings it down
upon his heart, with Allah’s permission, II, 91. Messengers,
however, are always human beings; they eat and drink and
have wives and children, XIII, 38. If the inhabitants of the
earth had been angels, an angel would have been sent,XVll,97.
As they arc men, messengers have been, like himself, men
to whom ‘ suggestions ’ have been made, XII, 109, XVI, 45,
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 147
xxr, 7. They came of the people to whom they were sent
and used their language. They wrought no signs, except
by permission of Allah. They were concerned only with the
proclamation, the delivery of the message with which they
were charged, and had no authority ovei their people, or
responsibility for their unbelief. Under the influence of
Jewish and Christian ideas, however, and especially the story
of Moses, the messenger or prophet, nabty , as in early
Medinan times he came to be called, assumed higher status.
He is sent to be obeyed, IV, 67 ; he is given the Book that he
may judge amongst the people, IV, 106. To be given the
Book is the prerogative of a prophet, XIX, 31, and jurisdiction
goes with it, III, 73, VI, 89. He is a witness over his people,
II, 137. That he will have a right of intercession for his
people is not stated, but it is left open that he may be given
permission to intercede.
The prophetic office is thus a high distinction and a high
favour bestowed upon a man or a prophet. In this respect
the Children of Israel have been specially favoured, XLV, 15.
The early idea that one messenger was sent to each people
was modified by the knowledge that to them more than one
had been sent. This enabled Muhammad to free himself
from the leading-strings of Judaism and Christianity by
adopting the religion of Abraham. For Abraham, who, to
begin with, was the hero of a punishment-story, became in
early Medinan times a prophet, a hanif , the founder of the
religion of the hunafa or heathen, and this religion it is
Muhammad’s task to restore to its pristine monotheism. The
prophetic office then comes to be not only the privilege of a
special people, but resides in a special family, the descendants
of Abraham, XXIX, 26, LVn, 26. “ Verily Allah hath chosen
Adam and Noah, the family of Abraham, and the family of
'Imran above the worlds ; descendants one of the other ”,
III, 30. The family of Abraham would no doubt include
Muhammad himself, Abraham being the ancestor of the
Arabs ; and the family of 'Imran would include Moses and
Jesus. These then are given preference over others. But
there are others of whom lists are given, VI, 84 ff., XIX, 52ff.,
XXXVII, 73 ff.
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
148
The source of all this is evidently the Scriptures, mainly
the Old Testament, or rather the knowledge of Scripture
mediated to Muhammad by Jews and Christians with whom
he came into contact, and understood by him in the light of
his own situation and needs. Ahrens ( Muhammed , p. 130)
finds in the lists of prophets which the Qur’ 5 n contains
evidence of the influence of Gnostic Christianity, but the lists
which he quotes from such Christian sources do not corre¬
spond to any list in the Qur’an. The Qur’an lists are
really the result of a painful process of gathering information
and gradual sifting of it into some sort of shape, a process
which we can trace in the Qur’Sn itself. The list of those
chosen, for example in vi, 84 ff., is not a list made out by any¬
one familiar with the Bible or borrowed from a literary
source, but that of one who had been inquiring as to the
names of Biblical persons, and had noted down for future
use some of the names given to him. We do not need to
assume Mandaean influence to account for John the Baptist
being recognised as a prophet and spoken of as receiving the
Book. Any Christian informant might call John a prophet,
and that title would to Muhammad’s mind imply that he had
been given the Book. Nor do we need to seek for obscure
influences to account for the fact to which Tor Andrae calls
attention, that the great writing-prophets of the Old Testa¬
ment are not even mentioned by name. This does not mean
that Muhammad was drawing his information from some
obscure circles w r ho regarded written prophecy as excluded.
The explanation is much more simple. The prophetic books
of the Old Testament are unfortunately not easy to read ;
even today, the ordinary man—even the ordinary Christian—
knows little about them. Muhammad’s informants either
did not know of them or forgot to mention them. There is
no objection to written prophecy in the Qur’an.
The Revelation .—We have seen that until, in Medinah,
he discovered that the Jews did not accept his message, but
were hostile to him, Muhammad regarded himself as re¬
producing for his own Arab people the revelation which had
previously been given to others. What w r as sent down to
him confirmed what was before it. He at first conceived
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 149
this as a Qur’an, something to be read or recited in worship,
dealing with the Last Things, Resurrection, Judgment, and
Future Life. In particular, it is Judgment to come which is
the main burden of his early qurdns. For this reinforced,
and in a way took the place of, the catastrophe which in the
punishment-stories fell upon the unbelieving people. He is
a warner and his message continues to be a warning.
It is this sense of warning that lies behind the designation
of it as a tadhkirah\ LXIX, 48, LXXIII, 19, LXXVI, 29, etc.,
dhikra , VI, 68, 90, XI, 116, 121, LXXIV, 34, etc., and as
dhikr, xii, 104, xxxviii, 87, lxviii, 52, lxxxi, 27, etc.
These, however, are not technical words, but may be used
in other senses. In some passages dhikr has obviously the
sense of private or public worship or prayer, II, 196; V, 93,
LXII, 9, LXIII, 9. Words from the cognate foots are used
both in Hebrew and in Syriac to denote parts of, or kinds of,
religious service. But it seems unnecessary to suggest bor¬
rowing. According to the common meaning of the verb
dhakara , the phrase dhikr Allah or dhikr ar-Rahmdn may
mean cither man's 1 remembrance of God ’, or 1 God's
remembrance of ’ or ‘ reminder to ' man. The former sense,
that is, worship or prayer, is found mostly in Medinan
passages; the latter is the earlier sense. Anything which
reminds man of God may be a tadhkirah, LVI, 70 ff., LXIX,
12, or a dhikrd, L, 8, 36. The coming of a messenger may be
a reminder, but usually it is the message which is designated
dhikr , VII, 61, 67, etc. Previous revelation was of the nature
of dhikr ; those who possess it are ahl adh-dh-.kr, and the
Qur’an, which contains a similar message, is dhu dh-dhikr,
XXXVIII, I.
It corresponds to this early conception of the revelation
as reading or recitation that the first part of Scripture to be
mentioned by name is the Psalter, az-zabiir. The name is
difficult to account for; it possibly arises from a confusion
of Hebrew mizmor with the Arabic root zabara , * to copy ',
* transcribe ', and seems to have been in use before Islamic
times. The plural zubur is used in the general sense of
Scriptures in XXIII, 55, XXVI, 196, and possibly in III, 181,
XVI, 46. But zdbur is associated with David, IV, 161,
150 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
XVII, 57 ; XXI, 105 quotes Ps. xxxvii, 29 as being contained
in az-zabur.
But, as we have seen, the Qur’an passed over into al-kitdb ,
‘ the Book which became the characteristic designation
of the revelation. The idea of ‘ the Book ’ is important, but not
quite easy to unravel. We must beware of reading back
without question into the Qur’an the developed Moslem
doctrine of the heavenly Book, or eternal Qur’an. The word
kit&b is used in various senses. It occurs in the ordinary
sense of ‘ something written ’, * a letter *, XXIV, 33, XXVII, 28 f.
In connection with the Judgment it is used of a record of
man’s deeds, a kind of account such as we may suppose to
have been known in Meccan business practice. Thus, each
man is given his book, or writing, in his right or left hand,
according as it shows a credit or a debit balance, XVII, 73,
LXIX, 19, 25, LXXXIV, 7, 10. Or it is a record, a kind of
ledger, kept by the angels who watch over the actions of men,
LXXXII, 10 ff. At the Judgment-day the book will be pro¬
duced, XVIII, 47, and the pages spread open, LXXXI, 10. In
other passages, it is the book of God’s knowledge, in which
everything is recorded. “ There is no secret thing in the
heaven or the earth, but it is in a clear book ”, XXVII, 77.
“ There is no beast in the earth but Allah provides for it;
He knoweth its lair and its resting-place; everything is in
a clear book ”, XI, 8, cf. VI, 59, XXXIV, 3, etc. The dead
remain in the book of Allah till the Day of Resurrection,
XXX, 56. Or it is a record of God’s decrees for what is to
happen ; 41 No misfortune has befallen the land or your¬
selves, but it was in a book before We brought it to be ”,
LVii, 22. How far these uses were meant literally, or were
figures of speech, it is impossible to say.
In any case, it is unlikely that the use of kit&b with
reference to the revelation is derived from this idea of a book
of God’s knowledge embracing all things in heaven and
earth, past, present and future, though in some Medinan
passages it is a little difficult to distinguish between the two,
cf. VIII, 76, IX, 36, xvii, 4, xxxill, 6. To begin with, the
reference is not to any heavenly book, but to the revelation
which is in the hands of earlier monotheists. Confirmation
CONTENTS AND SO.URCES
151
of the truth of Muhammad's message is to he sought with
those who have been given knowledge, XVII, 108, with the
people of the Reminder, XVI, 45, XXI, 7, with those who
recite the Book, X, 94, or with those who have knowledge of
the Book, XIII, 43. The use of the term docs indeed indicate
more precisely the form in which they possess this revelation.
It is a Book, perhaps commonly referred to as “ the Book ” ;
cf. the use of hak-kathubh among the Jews and hi graphs
among Greek-speaking Christians. It is the authority for
all religious belief and practice. Thus those who hold that
the angels arc female arc asked to produce their Book, XXXV,
38, XXXVII, 157, XLIII, 20; and opponents arc dismissed
with the gibe that they “ dispute about Allah without know¬
ledge or guidance or light-giving Book ”, XXII, 8.
A divine source of this authoritative Book is no doubt
implied, but the term itself evidently refers to the revelation
as given to men. This is clear also in the often repeated
statement that Moses was given the Book, VI, 155, XXIII, 51,
etc.; or that he was given the guidance, and the Children of
Israel inherited the Book, XL, 56. Occasionally Aaron is
associated with him, XXV, 37, XXXVII, 114 ff., but usually it
is Moses in particular to whom the Book was given as
guidance for the Children of Israel. This, however, is not
to be understood as limiting the possession of the Book to
the Jews. It is not until we come to definitely Medinan
passages that wc find mention of Jews and Christians by
their distinctive names, Yahud and Novara. It is only then
that the existence of differences among monotheists became
a problem to Muhammad. As Jesus was a messenger to the
Children of Israel, the Christians were a branch of them.
So also the designation, " People of the Book ” applies, no
doubt, mainly to the Jews of Mcdinah, with whom Muham¬
mad was in direct relations, but that it, like ” those who have
been given the Book ”, which probably came earlier into use,
includes the Christians also is shown by passages like III,
58 ff., IV, 169, V, 72. The Jews and Christians, in fact, both
recite the Book, though they do not recognise each other’s
claims, II, 107. They ” have made the Qur’an bits ”,
XV, 91, and ” have cut their affair in pieces in the matter
L
152 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
of Scriptures, each sect rejoicing in what is with them ”,
XXIII, 55 .
Thus we find reference to “ those who have been given
part of the Book ”, III, 22, IV, 47, 54, the Jews being meant
in each case. The Book of which Muhammad had been in
quest thus turned out to be not one book but two, the Torah
and the Evangel, terms also confined to Medinan passages.
The Psalms given to David seem at this stage to be ignored.
There were only two communities to whom the Book had
previously been sent down, VI, 157, and the Torah and the
Evangel were their Books. The Evangel is associated with
Jesus. In two passages which belong to the period when he,
like Muhammad himself, is represented as being sent to
confirm what had previously been revealed, he is said to have
been taught the Book and the Wisdom, the Torah and the
Evangel, ill, 43, v, no ; but later, when distinctions have
hardened, he is said to have been given the Evangel, con¬
firming the Torah, v, 50, lvii, 27. On the other hand, the
Torah is never said to have been given to Moses. This may
be mere accident, or it may be that the Torah, the distinctive
Jewish Scripture, was regarded as associated with the differ¬
ences which had arisen regarding the Book which had been
given to Moses.
The realisation that there were more Books than one must
have raised for Muhammad the question of their relation
to the divine source. Even this problem, however, he re¬
solved on the human level, by declaring that the differences had
arisen after the revelation had been given, III, 17, XLI, 45, etc.
The original revelation had thus been in essence the same.
Whether it was conceived as having existed in the form of
a heavenly Book is doubtful, but XLIIJ, 3 : " Lo, it is in the
mother of the Book in Our presence, exalted, wise ” makes it
probable that it was so, cf. xiw, 39. In any case, while the
existence of other Books came to be recognised, the Book re¬
tains its original significance as an inclusive term for revelation
in general, and to be given the Book is the mark of a prophet.
In Medinan times Muhammad’s function as messenger
is defined to be : "to recite the signs, to purify, and to teach
the Book and the Wisdom ”, 11, 146, HI, 158, LXII, 2. The
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
153
Wisdom, al-hikmah, thus associated with the Book or revealed
truth, is, to judge by that given to Luqman, XXXI, u ff.,
and to Muhammad himself, XVII, 41, the right conduct of
life; it is a development of the ordinary sense of wisdom,
particularly with regard to conduct. This is in line with
the use of the cognate word hukm which clearly means the
power of judging conduct or of laying down laws for the
conduct of lite. The verb zakka, 4 to purify’, used for this
part of the messenger's function, connects it with the zakat
either in the sense of voluntary alms, or, as it became in
Mcdinah, the recognised levy whereby, according to Oriental
conceptions, the possession of wealth was 4 purified * by
recognising God’s right to a share of it. The 4 signs ’ which
are to be recited require some discussion.
The derivation of the word 'dyah, * sign ’, is doubtful. 1 It
would most naturally be a native growth from a root cor¬
responding to the Hebrew ’ azudh , but such a root does not
occur in Arabic. As a borrowing either from Hebrew ' 5 th,
or from Syriac * dtha , the form is phonetically difficult to
explain. But since the word was in use before Muham¬
mad's time, its derivation is not so important for our purpose.
In sense it corresponds to these Hebrew' and Syriac words,
and means a sign or indication of the presence of something
else, and thus, a wonder or miracle as an indication of God’s
power or His intervention, or as an attestation of a message
or messenger. We have seen that it is applied in the Qur’an
to the wonders of nature as attesting God’s existence, His
power and His bounty. One of the earliest functions of the
messenger was to recite the 4 signs ’ in that sense. But there
are ' signs ’ also in the stories of former messengers, in the
destruction of unbelieving peoples, XV, 75, etc., and in
the deliverance of believers, XXIX, 23. There are 4 signs ’ in
the story of Joseph, XII, 7. The story of Mary and Jesus is a
4 sign ’, XXI, 91. Some messengers had special ‘signs’ accorded
them as confirmation of the truth of their message, as Salih,
VII, 71, XI, 67, Jesus, III, 43, and in particular Moses, XX,
18 ff., XXVII, 12. When unbelievers demanded a 4 sign ’ from
Muhammad it was something of this sort that they wished,
1 See p. 58.
154 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
vr, 37, XIII, 8, XXI, 5. Muhammad resisted the temptation
to pose as a worker of miracles, but possibly this demand for
a ‘ sign 1 had something to do with the shift of meaning in the
word towards that of revelation. Muhammad’s real 1 signs ’
were the messages he received. Not only was there the
mysterious way of ‘ suggestion * by which they came and
which was the bayyinah or evidence of his claims, VI, 57,
XI, 20, XLVII, 15. There were also the agreement of his
teaching with what was in the Jewish Scriptures and the
fact that the learned of the Children of Israel knew it, XX,
133, XXVI, 197. Moreover, previous revelation not only
contained the record of many of the * signs ’ and wonders
which God had wrought, but was itself a very evident ‘ sign ’
of God’s existence and interest in man.
Thus, the sense of the word 'ayat passes by scarcely
definable gradations from that of * signs * of God’s existence,
power and bounty shown in the wonders of nature, and of
His interventions in human affairs shown in the wonder-
stories of the past, to that of the religious truths and institu¬
tions revealed to previous messengers and to Muhammad
himself. In late passages, it is his own deliverances which
are primarily intended, but the word retains an indcfinitencss
of meaning which was no doubt useful and perhaps designed.
Whether in the Qur’an it ever came to mean ‘ verses ’ may
be questioned. The strongest evidence is in passages like
II, 100, xvi, 103, where there is reference to substituting one
'ayah for another; but even there the sense may be not
strictly a verse, but a separate deliverance. When, therefore,
the * signs ’ of the Qur’an, or more frequently of the Book,
are said to have been made distinct, fussilat, XLI, 2, it is
doubtful if we can assume the phrase to refer to the insertion of
rhyme-phrases at the end of verses. It may simply mean that
the * signs ’ have been set out one by one in separate deliver¬
ances. The word bayyana, on the other hand, often used in
connection with the ‘ signs ’, seems to imply a restatement in
clearer, more specific form, or the addition of some explana¬
tion. When the ‘ signs * are said to have been ‘ adjusted ’
( ahkama ), the sense is that they have been ‘ revised ’ or
‘ corrected ’, III, 5, XI, 1, xxil, 51.
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
155
From the above discussion it appears that during an
important period of his religious activity Muhammad was
concerned that his deliverances should correspond to the
contents of earlier revelation. We may expect, then, that in
the period extending from the time of his undertaking to
produce a Qur’an until he broke with the Jews of Medinah,
the Qur’an will show evidence of the influence of Scriptural
ideas. As he seems, at any rate at first, to have had diffi¬
culty in finding out what the Scriptures contained, it will be
interesting to sec how these ideas take shape in the Qur’an,
and what parts of Scripture are reflected in it.
Eschatology .—To begin with, revelation was thought of
as a doctrine of the Last Things, a message mainly of Judg¬
ment to come. This, as affecting the world in general,
corresponds to the catastrophe which in the punishment-
stories overtakes the particular unbelieving community. It,
too, is amr All&h , * the affair of God a phrase which,
originally denoting God’s intervention at the end of the story
of a people or at the end of the world, is ultimately extended
to include the whole process of God's intervention in the
affairs of men ; the sending of a prophet or messenger,
the delivery of messages, the struggle with unbelief, and
the establishment of the true religion.
There are a few passages in which there is merely a hint
of evil effects following upon unbelief, for example XC, 1-11,
XCII, 1-13, CTII, I, 2, CIV, 1-4. The enigmatic verse XCV, 7
may perhaps indicate that Muhammad hesitated about pro¬
claiming the Judgment, but it evidently came to him as a
revealed truth which made a deep impression on his own
mind, and may be ranked after the unity of God as the
second great doctrine of Islam. Impressive pictures of the
coming of the Last Judgment are characteristic of the early
Qur’an period.
These pictures are not, however, drawn for their own
sake. With regard to the surroundings of the Last Judg¬
ment, Muhammad retains a genial freedom. His interest in
them is that of the preacher, not that of one who tries to work
out a complete picture, consistent in all its details. The main
outlines of the doctrine are, however, clear enough. This
156 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
world will come to an end. Men, restored to life, will come
before God to be judged according to the deeds done in the
body, and will be received into everlasting bliss, or cast into
everlasting torment. This climax of world history is often
referred to as as-sa'ah, 4 the Hour \ The later standing term
for it is al-yawm al-dkhir, 4 the Last Day ', or yawm al-
qiydmak , ' the Day of Resurrection ’. Other terms used for
it arc yawm ad-din , 4 the Day of Judgment *, yawm a/-/asl,
‘ the Day of Distinction,’ or separation of the good from the
bad, yawm al-jani , 4 the Day of the Gathering ’ of men to
the presence of God, yawm at-talaqi, 4 the Day of Meeting ’
(with God).
The Hour comes suddenly, vi, 31, vn, 186, xn, 107,
XXII, 54, XLIII, 66, XLVII, 20. It is heralded by a shout,
saihah, XXXVI, 53, by a thunderclap, sdkhkhah , LXXX, 33,
or by the sound of a trumpet, LXIX, 13, LXXVIII, 18, (in
XXXIX, 68, two blasts are referred to, each heralding a
distinct stage). A cosmic upheaval takes place. The
mountains dissolve into dust, the seas boil up, the sun is
darkened, the stars fall, the sky is rolled up. The graves
are opened and human beings of all ages hurry in crowds to
appear before the Judge. The presence of the Judge is
hinted at rather than described ; in XXXIX, 75 the angels are
seen circling the throne about, in LXXXIX, 23 Allah comes
with the angels, rank upon rank ; cf. LXXVIII, 38.
The similarity of all this to Jewish and Christian ideas is
evident and need not here be followed out in detail. 1 Most
of the details can be traced back to Scripture, though oc¬
casionally an original trait is added to adapt the picture to
Arab conditions, as in LXXXI, 4. It was, however, in
Apocalyptic literature that these ideas were most freely
developed, and, as that literature was in the centuries im¬
mediately preceding Islam cultivated in the Christian Church
rather than in Judaism, the presumption is that Muhammad
was, at this stage, in touch with Christians rather than with
Jews. But the Qur’an-pictures do not follow the lines of
any one description of the Last Day to which we can point.
* Sec Andrae, Der Ursprung des Islami und das Christentum, p. <o
and Ahrens, Z.D.M G., 1930.
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
157
The impression we get is rather that items of popular belief
have been absorbed, passed through the Prophet’s own reflec¬
tion, and used for his immediate purposes.
It may be pointed out here that the Qur’an doctrine of
resurrection docs not imply the natural immortality of the
human soul. Man's existence is entirely dependent upon
Allah’s will; when He wills He causes him to die ; when He
wills He calls him to life again. To the scoffing objection
of the Meccans that former generations had been dead a long
time and their bodies had mouldered to dust and rotten bones,
the reply is simply that God is none the less able to restore
them to life, and that they will then have no knowledge of
the length of time that has elapsed. Some Mcdinan passages,
however, imply that the soul has a continuous existence
apart from the body, that judgment upon it takes place
immediately after death, and that those who have died for
the cause of Allah are already in felicity, II, 149, III, 163 ff.
With regard to the actual Judgment, the Qur’an descrip¬
tions arc much more original. The books will be opened,
and a man’s account will be handed to him and he will be
asked to read it. That might be a borrowed idea, or it might
be an adaptation of the business practice of Meccah. The
trait that the good will receive their account in their right
hands, while the bad receive theirs in their left, is thought by
Rudolph to have been suggested by some Christian picture
which Muhammad may have seen—an interesting possibility
but nothing more. It might be based upon the Judgment-
scene in the Gospel of Matthew xxv, 31 ff., which other
evidence suggests was known to Muhammad. But there arc
many dramatic Judgment-scenes which quite evidently arise
out of the situation in which Muhammad found himself
with his opponents—a free using of the Judgment idea to
enforce his doctrines.
The criterion by which men are judged is prevailingly
belief or unbelief. But good and evil deeds enter into the
account. In fact, in spite of the prominence which belief
assumes, the ground of judgment is fundamentally moral,
not intellectual. Belief, the acceptance of the messenger and
his message, was to Muhammad a moral act, and was the
158 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
gateway to real uprightness of life and conduct. When he is
brought up against the claim of Jews, or of Christians, to
acceptance with God on the ground of their faith, and their
denial of acceptance to those of other faiths, he falls back
upon the moral ground of judgment. “ It is not by your
dogmas or the dogmas of the People of the Book ; whoever
does evil will be requited for it, and will not find for himself,
apart from Allah, either patron or helper. But whoever docs
works of righteousness, be it male or female, and is a believer
—they will enter the Garden and will not be wronged a
speck ”, IV, 122 f. Hence the Judgment is sometimes spoken
of as a balance in which good and bad deeds of men arc
weighed : “As for him whose balances arc heavy, he shall
be in life satisfactory, but as for him whose balances are light,
he shall perish ”, Cl, 5, 6.
The result of the Judgment is either everlasting bliss or
everlasting torment. There is no middle place. One passage,
vil, 44, has sometimes been taken as implying a middle state,
but this probably rests on a misinterpretation. Another
passage says that all shall go down to it (that is, hell-fire),
and that then those who have shown piety will be delivered
from it, XIX, 72 f. That might be taken to imply a kind of
purgatory for believers, from which they will pass to their
reward after being purified from the evil they may have
committed. But probably the sense is not that, but rather that
all men will be brought face to face with the pains of hell,
from which, however, those who have shown piety will as
the result of the Judgment be exempted. True, there are
grades, at least in heaven. Some are brought nearer to God
than others, and in one passage at least, LVI, 87 ff., we
seem to have three classes; those who are brought near,
those of the right hand, who are blessed, and those of the
left hand, who are consigned to hell. Who " those brought
near ” are, is not clear; possibly it refers to the prophets
and special servants of Allah in this life.
Descriptions of the future life come late in the Qur’an-
period. The abode of the wicked who are condemned at the
Judgment is jahannam. Other names applied to it are al-
jahim, ‘ the Hot Place ’, saqar (a word of uncertain meaning
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 159
and origin), sa'ir, ‘ blaze ’, la*d (lxx, 15), probably not a
proper name but simply ‘ a blaze ’. Most common of all
perhaps, especially in later passages, is an-ndr , 4 the Fire
The torments of the damned therein are depicted with a
great wealth of imagery. The main idea remains constant,
but the details it is probably impossible to bring into a con¬
sistent picture. Evidently the idea is Christian, possibly
Jewish but more probably Christian, in spite of the ultimate
derivation of jahantmm, perhaps through Ethiopic from the
Hebrew gi-hinndm. But Muhammad used it quite freely,
adapting it to his own uses and circumstances. No doubt
many of the details could be paralleled in Christian literature,
and Andrac has found parallels for a number, for example,
the idea of the overseers of hell and those who administer
punishment to the condemned souls being angels, that is,
good beings commissioned by Allah so to do; and the idea
that the inmates of hell will ask the inmates of Paradise for
water, Vli, 48. That is fairly late and is an evident remini¬
scence of the parable of Lazarus in the Gospel. So also the
chains and fetters with which the wicked arc bound are
perhaps suggested by the chain with which Satan is bound in
the Apocalypse of John. On the other hand, the tree of
zaqqum from which the damned shall eat is an Arabian
touch this tree, said to have been one which grew in the
Hijaz, had a very bitter fruit ; probably an Arabian touch
too is that they will be given hot water to drink. Altogether,
we have the impression of an original mind using suggestions
which came to hand in order to embellish the central idea
and stamp the terrors of future punishment upon hard and
scoffing hearts.
The common designation for the abode of the Just is
al-jannah, 4 the Garden often 4 a Garden, through which
the rivers flow ’. This is no doubt the Garden of Eden. In
fact we find it designated jannat 'adn, or by translation of
the latter word regarded as Arabic, jannat an-na'im, or
simply an-na'im. In some late passages we find firdaws , a
singular produced from farddis , the Greek paradeisos.
Usually the Garden is spoken of in the singular, but in LV,
46 we find the dual used—as some people think because of
160 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
the exigencies of rhyme ; four gardens indeed are mentioned
in that surah, for beside the first two are other two (v. 62).
Wellhausen regards this latter part of the surah as simply
a duplicate of the former, but I incline to think that the
four gardens arise from an early misunderstanding of the
four rivers of Paradise mentioned in Genesis. In the Garden
the blessed enjoy luxuries, they recline on couches, they eat
fruit, they drink wine which is served to them by heavenly
ever-youthful boys. (This last detail Horovitz thinks is
derived from the banquets of Arab chiefs at which boys
served.) Wine, of course, occurs in Christian descriptions of
the joys of heaven. What is noticeable is that Muhammad
cannot, at first, have had the antipathy to wine which after¬
wards led him to forbid its use altogether. There arc also
ever-flowing springs in Paradise, and there are milk and
honey. Again, Christian literature provides parallels for
most of these details and for the more spiritual elements in
the reward of the pious, which are by no means absent, for
example, forgiveness, peace, and the satisfaction of the soul
in God. But the use of these material things is individual.
There are features derived from the experience of Muham¬
mad and his followers, such as the absence of gossip and
babble, that is, escape from the jeering ridicule with which
they were surrounded in Mcccah.
The most mysterious clement in the Qur’an conception
of Paradise is that of the Hurls, the beautiful, chaste,
purified female companions of the blessed. The word
properly means * white * or ‘ bright-eyed \ and is often
accompanied by the word ' in , * having eyes 1 or * wide-eyed ’.
They are pictured as modest, retiring, restraining their
glances, and as being enclosed in pavilions like treasured
pearls. Whether the same idea is contained in the “ purified
spouses ” of the Medinan passages, II, 23, III, 13, IV, 60, is
not quite certain, but is possible. That would support the
suggestion that they are simply the sublimation of the earthly
relationship of the sexes, but, as the descriptions of them
occur in earlier passages where the background of Christian
eschatology is otherwise very evident, this is not very likely.
The suggestion for them has been found in Zoroastrianism,
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
161
where the idea sometimes occurs that the virtues which a
man has acquired in life bear him company in the life to
come as angelic beings. It is doubtful, however, whether
this imaginative conception is to be found in Zoroastrianism
early enough to have affected the Qur’an. Wensinck suggests
that we have again an idea suggested by the sight of Christian
pictures of angelic beings associating with the redeemed in
Paradise. As to the pictures, I should be doubtful, but
probably we have here some reflection of Christian concep¬
tions of angels in Paradise.
NARRATIVES
It is in the narrative portions of the Qur’an that its depend¬
ence upon the Bible, especially upon the Old Testament, is
most evident. Some of the punishment-stories, those of ‘Ad,
Thamud and Sheba, and probably the references to the
peoples of ar-Rass and al-Aikah arc derived from Arab
sources. It may be, too, that some vague knowledge of the
stories of Noah, Lot and Pharaoh was current in Arabia,
but the great bulk of the material which Muhammad used to
illustrate and enforce his teaching was derived from Jewish
and Christian sources, and was meant to reproduce what
was contained in the revelation given to the People of the
Book.
The creation of the heavens and the earth in six days is
frequently referred to; the creation, temptation and fall of
Adam arc recounted in VII, io ff., XX, 115 ff. There is a
version of the story of Cain and Abel in V, 30 ff. The story
of Noah appears among the punishment-stories; it is later
transformed into a prophetic story, though the surah devoted
to him, LXXI, is based largely on Muhammad’s own experi¬
ence. Lot also is the centre of a punishment-story but
appears amongst other Biblical personages in XXI, 74 f. as
endowed with jurisdiction and knowledge. Abraham appears
in the prelude to the Lot-story, then becomes himself the
centre of a punishment-story ; finally in Medinah he becomes
a prophet, the founder of the Arab religion. Ishmael is
162 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
mentioned separately, but is ultimately associated with Abra¬
ham in establishing the Ka'bah. In spite of his importance,
however, as the link between Abraham and the Arabs, little
information is given about him. That, as Moslems hold, it
was he whom Abraham was commanded to sacrifice, xxxvil,
ioo ff., is by no means certain. Isaac and Jacob are men¬
tioned in connection with Abraham, but little is told of
them. A whole surah, XII, is devoted to the story of Joseph.
Moses was naturally of great interest to Muhammad as a
previous messenger, and as having been the recipient of the
Book. Besides many references, there arc several versions
of his story, lxxix, 15 ff., xx, 8 ff., xxvii, 7 ff., xxvi, 9 ff.,
XXVIII, 2 ff., VII, 101 ff., which, when analysed, show growing
acquaintance with the Biblical narrative. In sum, the story
includes Moses' birth, his upbringing in Pharaoh’s house¬
hold, his killing of the Egyptian and flight to Midian, his
call and mission to Pharaoh, the association of Aaron with
him, his contest with the magicians, the plagues, the deliver¬
ance of the Children of Israel, the drowning of Pharaoh’s
hosts in the sea, the giving of the Law, the worship of the
Golden Calf, and the main incidents of the desert wanderings
including the refusal of the Children of Israel to enter the
Promised Land. That as-Samirl, who appears in XX in
connection with the Golden Calf, is a reminiscence of Jero¬
boam 44 who made Israel to sin ” by setting up calf-worship
in Samaria, is probable but not certain. References to the
historical books of the Old Testament arc relatively few.
Saul (Talut) appears in contest with Goliath (Jalut), who,
however, is killed by David, II, 248 ff. To David were
given the Psalms; by some confusion he is also referred to
as a maker of coats of mail, XXXIV, 10. There is a reminis¬
cence of Nathan’s parable in XXXVIII, 20 ff. Solomon is a
great builder, a lover of horses, and master of winds and
jinn, XXXIV, 11 ff., XXXVIII, 29 ff. A lengthy account of his
meeting with the Queen of Sheba is given in xxvii, 15 ff. A
reminiscence of Elijah’s contest with the priests of Baal
appears in XXXVII, 123 ff. The story of Jonah is briefly
summarised in the same surah. Elisha is, no doubt, Alyasa’
who is mentioned in VI, 86 and XXXVIII, 48; but nothing is
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 163
told of him, unless we see two short notes connected with him
embedded in the story of Job in xxxvm, 40 ff. What is told
of Job comes from the framework story. Haman is mentioned,
but transferred to the time of Pharaoh. Idris, whom Noeldcke
identified with Andreas, is more probably Esdras, as sug¬
gested by Torrey. Ezra appears also as 'Uzair in IX, 30.
Who is meant by Dhu 1 -Kifl, XXI, 85, xxxvill, 48, is quite
uncertain. 1
The New Testament contributes much less narrative
material than the Old. The. story of Zecharias and the birth
of John (Yahya), XIX, 1 ff. might come from the Gospel of
Luke, but that of the Annunciation and the birth of Jesus
which follows, cf. also ID, 30 ff., shows the influence of
Apocryphal gospels, particularly that of James. So also
does the account of Jesus as a messenger to the Children of
Israel, III, 43, V, 109 f. The reference to the Crucifixion,
IV, 156 fi, may show Docetic influence. There is a reminis¬
cence of the parable of the wise and foolish virgins in LVII,
13 f., and some influence of the parable of Dives and Lazarus,
and of the Judgment-scene in Luke xvi, 19 ff., appears in
VII, 48 f. The account of the institution of the Lord’s
Supper, V, 112 ff., obviously does not go back to literary
sources, but is based on some meagre answer to an enquiry
regarding the origin of the rite.
Examination of these parallels to Biblical narratives shows
that they were not taken directly from the Bible. It must,
of course, be remembered, that Muhammad was never
simply a borrower. Material which came to him from outside
sources was always made his own, moulded by reflection,
and freely used for his own purposes. There is, for instance,
an evident tendency to formalise these Biblical stories and
group them together t>y refrains, as had been done with the
punishment-stories ; this is specially evident in XXXVII, but
appears also elsewhere. Allowance being made for this,
it is still clear that the material did not come to him from
literary sources. There are strange discrepancies and omis¬
sions in the narratives. An incident from the story of Gideon
* Sec my article on 44 Muhammad's Knowledge of the Old Testament ” in
Studio Semitic a et Orient alia, II, Glasgow, 194.5.
164 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
appears in the account of Saul, n, 250, and a reminiscence
of the story of Jacob affects the story of Moses, xxvm, 27.
Mary the mother of Jesus is confused with Miriam the sister
of Moses, XIX, 29. Further, practically all these narratives
have an admixture of Talmudic or other extra-Biblical
material, or show traits which can be explained only by
statements which occur in Jewish or Christian tradition.
Such statements or allusions, however troublesome to modern
scholars, may well have haunted the memory of Muhammad’s
contemporaries who had any knowledge of religious matters.
In fact, the whole choice of material is such as to suggest
that it came from the memories of men and was communicated
to him orally.
The haphazard lists of names, as in VI, XIX, XXI, XXXVII
and XXXVIII, the partial way in which the stories of the
persons are filled in, and the difficulty evidently experienced
in getting the persons into historical order and connection,
all argue against his having received any systematic instruc¬
tion ; they point rather to his having made enquiries of people
who happened to be available and were likely to have informa¬
tion to give. The forms of some of the names, for example
Ilyas (Elias) for Elijah, Yunus for Jonah, seem to indicate
that some even of the Old Testament material came to him
through Christian channels. From the presence of so much
Talmudic material it may be confidently inferred that he was
in touch with Jews also, as we know he was in Medinah,
and probably towards the end of his Meccan period as
well.
The supposition that Muhammad was dependent upon
‘ lay ’ informants whose memories were not always clear as to
what was actually in Scripture explains also the presence
in the Qur’an of extra-Biblical stories and of material which
does not strictly belong to religious literature at all. Not
only do we find the story of the fall of Iblis from among the
angels of heaven conjoined with the story of the creation and
of the fall of Adam, but we find also in XVIII the legend of
the Seven Sleepers, and the curious story of Moses and
al-Khidr, and a story of Dhu 1 -Qarnain, that is, Alexander
the Great. The legend of the Seven Sleepers, like the
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
165
Romance of Alexander, from which the other two stories
are derived, was no doubt widespread in the Christian East.
To Muhammad, enquiring as to the revelation given to
previous monotheists, these stories may well have been re¬
counted ; they were part of the thought-world of the countries
round about Arabia.
In Mcdinah Muhammad was in a better position to
learn the actual contents of, at any rate, the Old Testament,
than he had been in Meccah, for he was in contact with
colonics of Jews who had, no doubt, amongst them scholars
and rabbis. There are some indications that he made use
of these opportunities and acquired a fairly good knowledge
of, at least, the Books of Moses. He found that food-laws
belonged to the time of Moses, and had not existed before
that. And he made the momentous discovery that Abraham
had lived before the time of Moses, and was therefore neither
Jew nor Christian, but an independent recipient of God’s
favour, III, 58 ff. That this was new to him is shown by
the resentful accusation that the Jews had concealed what
was in Scripture. It is significant also that some of the
revisions to be discerned in the surahs seem designed to
remove non-Biblical material which had been used, II, 95 ff.,
XI, 43 ff-
Of the New Testament Muhammad seems never to have
acquired any intimate knowledge. The Gospel parables, one
feels, would have appealed to him had he known them, but
few of them find any echo in the Qur’an. The reason
probably is that he was never brought into such close relations
with Christians as he was with the Jews in Medinah. His
quarrel with the latter led to his turning away from the
People of the Book, so that he was no longer concerned to
reproduce what the Book contained. Christians too, he
discovered, were as little open to recognise his claims as the
Jews had been, II, 105. Their doctrines of the divine Sonship
of Christ and of the Trinity seemed to him, as he under¬
stood them on apparently very imperfect information, to
contradict his fundamental dogma of the unity of God.
Thus he was repelled, and in the end became hostile.
166
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
LEGISLATION
The legal portions of the Qur’an are mostly of Medinan date,
and arc closely related to Muhammad’s policy during that
period. To set them in their historical context belongs rather
to a biography of the Prophet than to an introduction to the
Qur’an. Only the main subjects can be here indicated.
Prayer .—The faldt was introduced in Meccah, but at
what point in the Meccan period is difficult to determine.
As the word is Syriac, it probably belongs to the approxima¬
tion to Christian practice and ideas which took place in the
middle of that period and led to the beginning of the special
Qur’an. The practice of night-vigils, which was for a time
recommended, though afterwards moderated, confirms its
Christian origin. No regulations are prescribed as to the
conduct of the salat. It is a little doubtful whether the five
daily prayers are actually laid down in the Qur’an. In
Meccan passages the usual prescription is morning and
evening prayer, with the additional recommendation of some
part of the night being spent in prayer and recitation. A
" middle prayer ” was ordained in Medinah. The other
two legal times depend upon revision and combination of
passages, and may not have been intended. The direction
of prayer towards Jerusalem was part of the approach to the
Jews at the time of the Hijrah, as the change to Meccah was
a sign of the break with them.
Poor-Tax .—The word zakdt is Syriac and therefore
Christian. It and the related verb occur in Meccan passages,
but only in the sense of alms and voluntary giving to the
poor, as much for the purification of the giver’s soul as for
relief of the needy. The institution of zakdt as a duty
incumbent upon Moslems grew out of this and is nowhere
regulated. Its beginning belongs to the first year or two
in Medinah, and was motived by the circumstances of the
poorer Muhajirin and necessities of state.
Food .—This was one of the first subjects which proximity
to the Jews brought to notice in Medinah. There were no
food-laws in Muhammad’s early teaching. Several Meccan
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
167
portions of the Qur’an are directed against pagan food-
taboos, and characterise as ingratitude the refusal to use the
good things which Allah provides. What were “good
things ” was no doubt left to Arab custom and convention
to determine. The Jews, however, had their elaborate
regulations as to clean and unclean animals, which must
have been irksome to Arab taste. In the endeavour to
approximate to them in Medinah, it was at first laid down
that food allowable for those who had been given the Book
was allowable for Muhammad’s followers, V, 7. Later, as his
quarrel with the Jews increased, their food-laws were regarded
as a punishment laid upon them for their rebelliousness. His
followers, however, seem to have pressed for guidance in the
matter, and rules were laid down which correspond pretty
much to what was laid down for Christians by the Council
of Jerusalem, Acts, xv, 29. The main point of difference is
the prohibition of the use of swine-flesh.
Drink .—The Qur’an prohibits wine, khatnr, V, 92. It
was probably practical reasons which led to this prohibition,
though khamr denotes wine made from grapes, which was
not native to Arabia and the trade in which was largely in
the hands of Jews and Christians. But Muhammad had dis¬
agreeable experiences with followers who had indulged in it,
and found it necessary to reprimand some who came to
prayer in a state of intoxication, IV, 46. So wine, which had
been mentioned as one of the delights of Paradise, xlvii, 16,
came to be disapproved of for its evil effects, II, 216, and
finally forbidden altogether.
Gambling .—This was represented in Arabia by the game
of maisir, which is conjoined with wine in II, 216, and V, 92.
The latter passage also forbids the use of divining arrows, the
Arab form of drawing or casting lots.
Fasting .—This does not appear in the Prophet’s Meccan
teaching. Its introduction is part of the assimilation to the
People of the Book at the beginning of the Medinan period.
The adoption of the Jewish fast of the ‘Ashura, which,
Tradition attests, is probably laid down in II, 179, 180. The
following verse substitutes for this the month of Ramad&n
as the period of the fast. Some influence of the Christian
M
168 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Lent may have contributed to the choice of this extended
period. But the lunar month was, to the Arabs, an important
division of time. The selection of Ramadan is probably due
to the battle of Badr having been fought and won in that
month. This is difficult to reconcile with the statements of
Tradition, but of course Tradition does not recognise that
v. 181 is later than v. 180. The regulations of v. 183, which
allow marital intercourse and eating and drinking during
the night, belong to a still later time.
Pilgrimage .—This was a pre-Islamic practice, though it
seems to have been connected with places in the neighbour¬
hood rather than with Meccah itself. It was probably re¬
cognised early as part of the religion of Abraham, n, 192 ff.,
XXII, 27 ff. The bloodshed at Badr, however, made it ex¬
tremely dangerous for any Moslem to visit Meccah ; so the
'Id al-adha (Bairam) was instituted, and the animals which
would otherwise have been sent to Meccah to be sacrificed
at the close of the pilgrimage were permitted to be sacrificed
at home. The treaty of Hudaibiyah stipulated for a Moslem
visit to the Ka'bah the following year, cf. XLVin, 27. On
the conquest of Meccah the Ka'bah was cleansed of idols,
and by the proclamation made shortly afterwards polytheists
were forbidden to approach it, IX, 28. Tradition says that
they were debarred from the pilgrimage itself by a proclama¬
tion read by 'All a year later. But the final regulation of the
pilgrimage belongs to Muhammad’s farewell visit, and is not
contained in the Qur’an.
Usury .—The taking of interest was no doubt a common
practice in Meccah. The disapproval of it in the Qur’an,
however, belongs to the Mcdinan period, and may be con¬
nected with the revulsion from the Jews, who are accused of
disobeying their own law, rather than from the Meccans.
The putting of money out to interest is unfavourably con¬
trasted with giving it as sakdt, XXX, 38. It is forbidden to
believers, III, 125, and sternly disapproved of, II, 276;
accrued interest is ordered to be abandoned, II, 278.
Marriage .—As part of the friendly approach to the
People of the Book in early-Medinan days, the list of for¬
bidden degrees of kinship in marriage was taken over from
CONTENTS AND SOURCES 169
the Jews, with modifications to include milk-kinship, which
was important in Arab sentiment, IV, 27, 31 ; cf. Leviticus
xviii, 6 ff. It is allowable to marry women of the People of
the Book, V, 7, but marriage with idolaters is forbidden, II,
220. Polygamy is allowed. The express permission to take
wives up to four in number, IV, 3, was probably occasioned by
the circumstances after the battle of Uhud; many Moslems
had been killed and their widows and orphans had to be
provided for. They must, however, be treated fairly, as far
as is humanly possible, IV, 3, 128. It is also permissible to
marry slaves, and slave concubines arc allowed, IV, 29,
XXIII, 6. Whether the mut'ah , or temporary marriage, is
permitted by IV, 28, is a moot point; the verse certainly
represents a liberal concession to Arab laxity.
Divorce .—In this also Arab custom was lax. Muham¬
mad aimed at restraining this licence, but was only partially
successful. The legislation of II, 228 ff. left the right of
divorce in the hands of the man, but was intended to secure
adequate time for reflection and fair treatment of the woman
if divorce should be ultimately resolved upon. A three-
months’ waiting-time was prescribed, in which reconcilia¬
tion might be effected and the marriage be reconstituted
without divorce having actually taken place. If, however,
the parties were so ill-assorted that this happened three
times, it was better that divorce should take place, and
should be final, the woman being free to become the wife
of another man. This was probably borrowed from Jewish
law or practice. Moslem law has, however, regarded the
three-months’ waiting-time as applying only to the woman ;
divorce takes place at once, but the woman may be taken
back if the husband relents. If, however, divorce takes
place three times, he cannot take her back unless she has
meanwhile remarried and been divorced. This has led to
abuses which were certainly not intended.
Inheritance .—Several passages deal with this subject, but
the rules laid down are by no means easy to systematise. It
was probably customary amongst the Arabs, or at any rate
the Meccans, to give instructions before death as to the
disposal of their property, XXXVI, 50. But the form of
170 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
n, 176 ff., laying this down as a duty for believers, seems
to imply that it was regarded as Scriptural and probably
intended to conform to Jewish practice. These instructions
are to be witnessed, but it is not said that they should be
written. Further rules as to witnesses are given in V, 105 ff.,
which is much later in date. The detailed rules of IV, 12 ff.
seem naturally to refer to the division of the residue of an
estate, but this is disputed by the legalists. They show no
trace of Jewish influence, and probably represent a reform
of Arab practice. The shares of children, parents, and, in
the case of there being no direct heirs, brothers and sisters,
are laid down. No special privilege is given to the first-born.
Females inherit along with males, though, as a general
principle, the male receives the portion of two females. The
right of women to hold property is thus recognised. No
share is here assigned to a widow, though a husband’s share in
a wife’s property is specified. To make provision for a widow
was, however, laid down as a duty, II, 241; cf. IV. 37.
Other subjects which are dealt with need not be specially
treated here. During most of the Medinan period the
Prophet and his followers were involved in fighting, and
war against unbelievers is urged in various passages.
The division of spoil is regulated. Slavery is accepted as an
institution, but slaves are to be kindly treated, IV, 40, and
the liberation of a slave is regarded as meritorious. Contracts
are to be kept, V, 1, debts are to be recorded, II, 282, and
theft is to be punished by cutting off the hand, V, 42.
Adultery also is to be severely punished, but is made difficult
to prove by the demand for four witnesses, XXIv, 13. Conduct
in public audiences and private interviews with the Prophet
is referred to, and even private matters of the harem are not
excluded. Qur’an legislation is, in fact, the record of how
the many and varied problems which beset Muhammad as
head of the new militant religious community of Islam were
dealt with. It is a testimony to both the variety of his
experience and the soundness of his mind that later jurists
were able to make it the basis of a complete system of law
which has not yet altogether lost its validity.
CONTENTS AND SOURCES
171
CONCLUSION
In addition to the specially doctrinal, narrative and legal
passages, the Qur an contains many others; addresses, ex¬
hortations to his followers, public documents, as in IX, 1 ff-,
and private reflections which throw light upon the character
of Muhammad and the methods by which he guided and
ruled the infant community which his religious teaching had
called into being. The book, especially in its Medinan
portions, is the mirror of a varied and eventful career. It
shows us a man of great natural ability, shrewdness and
foresight, essentially reserved and withdrawn, following the
promptings which came to him in times of privacy and
reflection, yet sensitive to the moods, feelings and thoughts
of those about him. Himself an Arab, he began his work
in an Arab environment, modified in Mcccah by trade and
new-made wealth. The thought-world of Arabia had
probably been affected by the presence of Jewish colonics,
and included at least some superficial knowledge of Chris¬
tianity, especially on the part of those who had visited any
of the neighbouring countries. It was not, however, until
faced by the failure of his general mission and the necessity
of providing a ritual of worship for his small band of fol¬
lowers, that he set himself to acquire a knowledge of the
revelation which had been given to the People of the Book,
in order to communicate it to his own people. As he seems
to have been dependent on chance informants, the parallels
of the Qur’Sn with the contents of Scripture often show dis¬
crepancies, omissions, and inclusion of outside matter. At
first his informants seem to have been Christians but later
the Old Testament material is strongly coloured by Jewish
tradition, largely oral. In Mcdinah, as we know, he was in
close contact with Jews, and at the beginning of that period
Jewish influence upon the Qur’an is strong. Shaking himself
free of the People of the Book, who had proved hostile, he
became by way of the religion of Abraham the independent
teacher and prophet whose aim was no longer to convey to
the Arabs what the People of the Book held as revealed
M 2
172
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
religion, but so to transform Arab custom as to suit mono¬
theistic belief. Indirectly the influence of Judaism and
Christianity still remained. Of the former he had gained a
fairly intimate knowledge; of the latter the same cannot be
said. The conceptions of some cardinal Christian doctrines
reflected in the Qur’an and the entire omission of others
show that he had never been in contact with theologically
educated Christians, but depended on popular accounts.
How far less obvious influences coloured his environment
and his sources of information is difficult to determine. Man-
daean, Manichacan, Persian and other influences have been
suggested, but have not been convincingly proved. It is not
always easy to distinguish between the material which
Muhammad may have received and the form which he
himself may have given it in reproducing it. For, in dealing
with the sources of the Qur’an, we must never forget that the
main source, after all, is the brooding mind of the Prophet
himself, enlightened, as he believed, by the divine guidance
which came to him through reflection and meditation.
WORDS IN THE QUR'AN WHOSE DERIVATION
OR MEANING IS DISCUSSED
(The number* refer to pages)
'alaq, 118
Allah , 143
axvfia, 32
' 6 yah (pi. 'aval), 38, 153
bismillah , S3
dAnkara, 149
dhikr, 149
dhikrd, 149
faraqa , lyj
Fddfiah, 120
fir daws (p\. farddls), 159
furqdn , 133, 136-138
frani/, 12
al-jiikmoh, 153
hukm , 153
lilts, 118
jaAannam , 159
kafara, 109, 142
hi fir, 109
hitdb , 150-151
kufr , 142
lawft mah/uf, 37
mal'ak (pi. mald'ikah), 144
mathd til, 119-121
al-Mu' tafikdl, 124
tiaskk, 98
qara'a, 129
qirfds, 16
qur'dn, 129
raftmah, 117, 143
or-It aliman, 143
ragg, 16
rasul (Allah), 146
faftl/ah (pi. suhuf), 16
ash-Shaitdn, 145
sdrah, 51-52
tadhkirah, 149
tahannuth, 104-105
ummty, 17
waky, 32
az-tabur, 149
sahdt, 153, 166
zakkd, 153
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahrens, K. Muhammed als Religionsstiftcr. Leipzig, 1935.
Andrae, Tor. Der Ursprung des Islams und das Christentum. Upsala,
1926.
Muhammad, the Man and his Faith. Translated into English by
Th. Mcnzel, London, 1936.
al-Bai dawl. Anwar at-TanzIl. Cairo, 1330.
Bell, R. The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment. London,
1926.
The Qur'an. Translated, with a Critical Rc-arrangemcnt of the
Surahs. Edinburgh, 1937-39.
Blachire, R. Le Coran. Paris, 1947-51.
al-Bukhari. Al-jami'a$-$abTh. Leyden, 1862-1908.
Casanova, P. Mohammed ct la fin du monde. Paris, 1911-24.
Geiger, A. Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthumc aufgenommen ?
Bonn, 1833.
x 73
174
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR'AN
Grimme, H. Mohammed. Munster, 1892-95.
Hirschfcld, H. New Researches into the Composition and Exegesis of
the Qur'Sn. London, 1902.
Horowitz, J. Das koranische Paradies (in Scripta Univcrsitatis atque
Bibliothecae Hicrosolymitarum). Jerusalem, 1923.
Koranische Untersuchungen. Berlin, 1926.
Ibn Hisham. Slrat an-Nably. Cairo, 1329.
Ibn Manzur. Lisin nl-‘Arab. Cairo, 1308.
Jeffery, A. Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur’Sn. Leyden,
1937 -
The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’Sn. Baroda, 1938.
Margoliouth, D. S. Mohammed and the Rise of Islam. New York and
London, 1905.
Mohammed. London and Glasgow, 1939.
Mingana, A. Woodbrookc Studies. Cambridge, 1928.
Mueller, D. H. Die Propheten in ihrer urspriinglichcn Form. Vienna,
1895.
Muir, Sir W. Life of Mohammad. Revised Edition by T. H. Weir,
Edinburgh, 1928.
Noeldeke, Th. Geschichte dcs Korans. Gottingen, i860.
Geschichtc des Korans. 2nd Edition by Schwally and others, Leipzig,
1909-19-
Neue BeitrSge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Strassburg, 1910.
Rod well, J. M. Translation of the Qur’Sn. London, 1876.
Rudolph, W. Die AbhSngigkeit des Korans von Judenthum und
Christenthum. Stuttgart, 1922.
Sabbagh, T. La Mdtaphore dans le Coran. Paris, 1943.
Sprenger, A. Das Leben und die Lelire des Mohammad. Berlin,
1861-65.
as-Suyuti. Al-Itqan fi’UlQm al-Qur’an. Calcutta, 1852-54.
Torrey, C. C. The Commercial-Theological Terms in the Koran.
Leyden, 1892.
The Jewish Foundation of Islam. New York, 1933.
Vollers, K. Volkssprachc und Schriftsprache im alten Arabien. Strass¬
burg, 1906.
Weil, G. Historisch-kritische Einleitung in den Koran. 2nd Edition,
Bielefeld, 1878.
Wellhausen, J. The Arab Kingdom and its Fall. Translated into
English by M. G. Weir, Calcutta, 1927.
Wensinck, A. J. Mohammed en de Joden te Medina. Leyden, 1908.
The Muslim Creed. Cambridge, 1932.
Journals:
Der Islam.
Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (J.R.A.S.).
Studia Semitica et Orientalia.
The Moslem World.
Zeitschrift der deutschen MorgenlSndischen Gesellschaft (Z.D.M.G.).
INDEX OF REFERENCES TO THE QUR’AN
References to the columns of surahs on pp. ix-x, 63-06, and x 10-113
are not Included.
I, II, indicate the surahs.
‘Ciwirml* Indicates a reference to part nr whole of tin* surah.
yw
vent
ivrv
page
I
129 ff.
89
266-267
• 02 . 79
General
5 *. tot
130 .
130-132
74
95
269/.
272 .
. . 62
. 81
136-147
94
276
. . 168
II
137 •
*47
27* .
. 168
32 . 55 .
*39 ff
89
278-281
62, 92, 93
uenerai
146 .
*53
282 .
. 87, 170
08 ,
70 .
to 2, 135
148 .
62
282-283
15, 62, 92
verst
148 f
108
284 .
9 *. 93
16
79 . 9 i
149 .
*57
285.286
92 . 93
*7 •
- yt
*55 ■
87
18, 19
79. yt
* 56-*57
9 *
19 b. 20
62
9>. tx6
158-160 a
9 *
III
S 3 .
•f 3 5
26
. 160
• 9 t
*59 ■
760 b-162
* *7
yt
General 55. 68,
. 115
163-164
62
70. 72, 83, 84,
26, 27
91, IIG
164 .
*45
102
27 •
- 117
166 .
79
2 129, 133, *34. 136,
32 .
• t 45
167-169
62
0 137
38 -
. Co
*73 ■
62
5 , •
81. 134. 154
38 /. .
. 63
73
70 /. .
. . 138
44
. 60
170
*3 •
. . 160
44 /■ -
- 03
779 .
62
16-17
. 84
44 ff •
. IOC
179-180
167
17 e •
. 152
46-58
. 63
179-183
93 . 94
20 /. .
. 84
48-50
• *37
*79 ff-
89
22
. 152
50
. 136
181 132,
* 36 .
138, 168
25 •
• 74
54
. 69
182 .
.
60
30 .
• *47
59 •
. *10
183 .
168
30 # -
83. 84. 163
73
• *7
185 .
• .
75
39 .
• 33
79 •
- 87
192 ff.
89 , 168
40 ff. .
• • 8 3
ix8, 152. 153,
81 .
. 145
196
*49
43 •
83 •
• *34
204 f.
62
43 f •
163
91 .
3 *.
* 44 . *46
206
144
. 89
92
• *44
211 .
75
52 •
. . 118
95 ff- -
89 . I &5
216
167
53 •
. 69
96-97
. 89
220
169
5 *# •
63. * 5 *. *65
98 .
. 62
228 ff.
72 .
169
67 j/. .
. 89
TOO .
98 . 154
229
87
63 .
. 63
105 .
. 165
241 .
170
64 .
. 63
107 •
• * 5 *
248 ff.
162
69 .
. 17
114 .
• 74
250- .
164
73 -
. 147
116 f.
- 63
*54 •
*45
75 •
. 69
118 ff.
- 63
a 55 •
62
83 -
. 87
124-135
94 . 95
263 .
79
95 •
. . 62
*75
176 INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
vent
page
97 f- •
. 62
Kfr :
89 , 96
• 89
106 a .
. 96
106 b-JZO .
. 96
jit-113
• 96
t *3 •
• 79
114-Z16
. 62
JI 7 .
. 96
**9 •
. 96
*20-12*
. 96
122-124
90, 96
125 .
. 168
J25-J28
62, 88
I29-130
. 88
* 33-*37 •
. 96
*33 If.
. 96
*37 ff.
. 89
138 .
44 . 45
* 38-139
• 90
* 39-*44 •
. 96
*451
. 89
* 45 ~* 48 .
. 96
*48 c .
• 93
*50 .
. 62
*52 .
. 96
*53 .
93 . 96
*54 .
*55 -
158 . .
*63/■
. 96
• 93
: 3
*63 ff.
• *57
*641■
. 89
*77 ff-
. 89
i8t .
. 149
182 .
• 45
200 .
. 62
IV
General
69, 102
1
. 62
3
120, 169
*2 ff. .
. 170
23
• 7
23-25
. 62
27 •
. 169
27 ff- •
89. 94
28 .
. 169
29 •
. 169
3* •
. 169
33-35
. 62
37 •
. 170
40 .
. 170
46
62, 167
47 •
• 15 *
54 .
• 152
60
. 160
62
67
73-78
8i-8g
84
92 a
9 *
xo 6
117
122 /.
128
130 f.
*34
i35 f.
*43
*45 .
*56 J.
161 .
168 .
169
*74 .
fate
. 62
• x * 7
. 62
• 93
. 129
• 93
. 62
> 34 . M 7
• M*
. 158
. 169
. 89
. 62
63.
General
1
2
6
7
8
Jl
*4
18
22
28
30 ff.
39 - 4 *
42
45-47
46
4^-55
50
5 *
s*ff
56-58
59-61
62-63
7 *
72
73
74
76 If.
89-90
92
92 f.
93
95
96
161
62
63. X S
89
134
152
*#
62
62
62
63
* 5 *
xo
69
89
62
'P
89
149
62
62
101 .
104 .
105-107
*05 !/■
109 .
109 f.
no .
*12 ff.
P»e*
36, 62, 128
. 62
. 62
. 170
• 145
• 163
118, 152
. 163
VI
General 102, 164
2 7
. iC
7 *2 .
. 86
3 20
. 86
9 3 * •
. 156
2 37 •
• 154
i 56 ff. .
• 74
2 57 •
• 154
5 A •
. 130
68
.
. 149
84 ff .
84. 147. 148
86 .
. 162
87 ff •
. 89
89
• *47
90
146. *49
9 * ■
. 16
92
• *34
95 ff •
84, 116
99 •
61, xi6
100 .
• * 4 *
102 .
. **5
*2* .
• 32
138 .
. 6
*42 ff
.
70, 116
* 4 2 '*45
. 84
*55 ■
• * 5 *
*57 .
. 152
VII
General
55 . *or.
126,
* 32 . 135
10 ff. .
•
. 161
11
. xi8
*9 .
• *45
26
• *45
35 .
. 69
36 .
. 81
38 f. .
. 89
44 .
. 158
48 .
• *59
48 f. .
• l6 2
S* .
. 118
55 f. .
84, n6
57-9 *
• *25
INDEX OF REFERENCES
177
• M 9
121, 149
• *53
General 54, 102
7
• 75
25 .
. . 62
79 •
. 138
20-23
. . 62
24-26
. . 62
27 f. .
. . 62
29 .
62, 136, 137
35 •
• 7 2
42 .
>33. >36. >38
47 . 48
. 62
50 .
. *45
65 .
. 63
66 f. .
• 6 3
73 f- •
. . 89
76
. 150
General 53, 34,102
95 . 96
95 . 96
. 63
. 63. 168
. 163
»5 • 63
• • 95 . 150
1 . . .95
. . 26, 96
r.. . .63
40 . . 92
. 124.125
vtru
P*t*
tttu
pags
. 89
7
• >53
87% .
. 89
10
• 69
772 .
• * 32 . >37
40 .
. 141
772 /.
. 89
103 .
• 33
1X8 f.
89, 90
104 .
• >49
120 .
. 63
107 .
. 156
124 .
. . 63
109 .
. 146
I 28-130
. . 92
General
55 . >02,
>33
115. 1 >8
>> 5 . >>7
• 83
. 129
. 62
• 79
. i 4 x
. 129
• 52
. 128
. 62
. 129
130.151
. 89
. 1x6
General 55, 71.
102,126,132,135
Genera] 55, 78,
102, 133, 136
3 . . 129, 131
General 55. 102,
2 j. .
> 33 . > 3 <">
. . XX6
2 /f. .
. 83. 84
3
. . lib
8
• >54
12
. 144
13 ff. •
. . 116
25 •
• 19
29 #- •
. 89
30 .
. . 129
38 .
. 146
39 •
• 98. >52
43 •
. 151
General 55, 68,
102, 132, 133,
136
' • • -92
0 . . 92
79 . 92
. 92
7 • 92
. *43
. 92
r - • • 78. 83, 84
General 55, 101,
>33
. . 129, 132
• >44
. . . 1x6
. . . 1x6
.60
r.. . . X45
0 . . 124
• >53
. X2 4
. . . 122
4 . . 122
. 1x9,126,129
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
vtru
8? ff- •
91 •
General
XVIII
General 68, 101
*3 • • • 35
31-4* . 78. 131
35 118
53. *02
• M5
. 116
. 118
. 1x6
S3. 115
• *15
. 116
. 89
• » 4 *
• M4
. 144
146. 151
: r 3
• 83
. 6
. 145
• »34
116, 117
32. 53
. 106
• 78
. 129
98. 154
. 129
• 32
General 101
• 45
. 150
. 131
• 32 , M 3
• . 89, 129
. ri 7
• M9
.• . . 128
. 118
. . . 60
. 150
• . . 129
. 145
• . . 129
. 130
. 146
• - 35 . 130
General
57 . 88,
101
. 163
• 32
. 164
: *88
• 12 4
841 X
. 87
. 61
. 158
• x t 5 1
• 87
General 78, 101,
132. 133
• . . 162
r.. . . ,53
. . .32
4 . 63
. 129
„• ‘ • 'P
U- . . 161
■ M5
. 16, 154
1-4 .
5
5-8 .
8
9 , 10
17 •
27 ff- •
30-38
32 .
35 a, 34
43 •
51
P‘t‘
• 45
. 141
' . 86
. 136
. 124
. 69
• 124
. 124
. i6x
• 124
. 69
• 163
M 5 . 153
. 141
78, 86, 117
. 150
General . 102
• . . 62
. 115, u8
. . 62, 88
• . . 151
> . 88
. . . 10
.168
* • 95
• 95
34 -95
. 125
35 . 36 . 98 , M 5 .
154
. 85
. 156
• JL "5
• . 62, 141
. 63
XXIII
General
6
6 /. . .
13
12 ff.
I2-l6
General 101, 131,
136. 164
. 47
• 154
• M7. Mi
■ • • .60
• • • 144
• • . 116
I xor
. 169
: M
18, 60. 116
• 83
. 118
. 118
• 83
. 122
• 125
• 151
M9. 152
99
101 f.
INDEX OF REFERENCES
p*s*
■%
XXIV
General
2
13 •
21
27-20
33 •
30 . •
57-60
48, 102
. 48
. 170
• 63
• *3
. 150
• 70
• ‘*3
XXV
General
I
6
If.
i8f.
31
34
37
40
45
47 ff-
5 r
55 ff-
56
elf.
70
101, 136
133. »36
. 141
19. 97
• 19
. 21
• * 4 *
• 145
37. 73. 129
• 151
. J 22
• Mi
or, 83
• ”7
• 83
. 118
:
• 87
XXVI
Off. .
9-igz
.52 •
63
60-104
128 .
160-175
176-iQi
i 9 3 .
196 .
*97 •
221 ff.
224 ff.
227 .
General 55. 58, 71,
101, 124, 127,
133
* 3 °.
162
125
32
32
124
121
I24
122
*45
149
*54
59
$
XXVII
P*te
I
6
7
7 ff-
12
n
3^ ff.
49 ff
53
55-59
60}}.
65
68
73 f-
77
93
93 ff-
94
General 54, 55
101, 122, 133
• *32
. 129
. 80
. 162
• 'P
. 162
• *50
. 89
. 128
. 122
. 124
• 83
• **7
. 81
• 47
. 150
. 119
- 59
. 129
XXVIII
General
*ff-
27
49
78-82
55 . *02
. If) 2
. I64
• 52
• *25
XXIX
General
23-39
29
33
25
26
30. 32
37
3Sf-
40
45
47
53
56-58
57
XXX
General
55 . 57 .
102
. 126
■ **7
• *53
. 124
• *47
• *24
. 122
• *25
• 79
• 74
• *7
• * 4 *
• 63
• 45
55 . 57 .
102
**7
118
*79
MW
pot*
26
. . 1 Z 7
37 •
78. 79
38 .
. z68
39 •
. XZ 5
45 .
. XX5
47-50
. . ZZ7
56 .
. . X50
58 .
. . X30
XXXI
General 55, 102
\2 Jf . . .153
- 6 • • *9
3 J -34 . . 62
XXXII
General
6
15-20
27
55 . *02
. n8
• 83
• **7
XXXIII
General
i*
O-27
28 ff.
42-43
44
48
49-53
53 f-
56-58
59
69-72
48. zos
6 3
150
63. 72
63
63
6 3
63
6 3
6 3
63
6 3
6 3
XXXIV
General
3
10
Vf.
14-18
45 .
48 .
50 ff- -
102
. 150
. 162
. Z62
4
. 122
75 . 120
* 1X7
89. 90
XXXV
General Z02. Z32
• 220 . Z44
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
XXXVI
General
101. 133
iff . .
76. 90
12 ff . .
78. * 3 *
33 •
• ll 7
jo •
. 169
5 J •
. 156
69 .
. 129
73 *
• **5
79 ff- •
• 89
*-4(5)-
8
48 - 5 ?
73 ff •
73-80
81-96
96 .
100 ff.
zi 4 ff.
i *3 ff
130 .
I 33 -I 38
150 .
*57 •
161-166
165 .
XXVII
General 88, xox,
133. 163. 164
•)• • 75.76
XXXVIII
General 68, 71,
101. 131. 132,
133 . 164
• 76. 149
. - . .124
. . . 122
f. . . . 162
r.. . . 162
. 163
r . • • .84
. . 162,163
. 144
. 118.144
XXXIX
General 55, 68,
102, 133
24 .
. 119, 126
28 .
.13°
30 .
78. 79
3 * •
. 45
39 , •
• 74
48/ .
. 89
67 ff .
• 77
68 .
. 156
69 ff ■
. 89
69-74
. . 89
75 -
89, 144, 156
General,
53. 55.
68, 102
General
I 53. 55.
102, 132
• 129. 154
32. 35
70, 83, 118
32, ji8
• M4
86, 122
General
3
48 /. .
50 ff. .
5 * •
55. i°2.
133
• 144
. 118
32. 35
145 . M6
General 55. 10:,
133
General 55, 101,
133
iff. . . . 76
* • *33
30 122
General
4
25 •
26 ff
27-28
55. *02
. 117
:
. 90
General
55 . 102
2
. ,
. Xi8
3
.
. 141
11
.
• *34
*4
. 46
* 3 /
. X2I
29
• *29, 134
XLVII
General
68, 102
8-12
• 63
12
. 103
25
• *54
16
. 167
20
. 156
26
. 129
35-40
. 63
XLVIII
General
102
iff
.
. 138
INDEX OF REFERENCES
181
oerte
ft*
MW
pot*
MfM
18 -
9
73
37
• 130
LVIII
27
• .
168
47
. n8
29
18
51
.
• *27
General
78, 102
54 •
•
. 124
IO
. .
• 63
12
• 63
XLIX
LIV
13 f
•
• 63
General
102
I
63
General
69. 71.
LIX
2ff
63
IOI
126, 133
6-8
t »3
1-7 .
.
• 59
General
102
11
63
9-43 •
. 126
Sff.
. 89
12
03
17 •
• 132
18
• 63
*3
02. 73
22
• >32
31 •
. 122
32
• >32
LX
L
General
101.
132.
34
40 .
41 f .
. I2 4
• >32
. I24
1-3
General
102
. 63
133
43 ff •
. 89
10 f.
.
• 63
I
.
129
12
.
. 63
iff-
.
76
13
• .
. 63
8
149
LV
T2
122
13
122
General
68, 70,
LXI
19-2
5
78
77 .
ioi, 131,
2Tfi
f .
89
>33
General
102
36
149
12
• 7 ®
2-4
. .
• 63
13 •
. 118
10-12
. 63
15 •
• 70
14
• <>3
LI
18
• 70
General
IOI,
*33
21
23 •
• 70
• 7 °
LXII
1-6
34-37
75 . 76
. X2 4
25 •
28 .
• 70
• 7 °
General
68, 102
44
.
122
46
• *59
2
.
• *53
56 f.
.
60
5
.
• 79
9
. .
• *49
LI I
LVI
General
71, IOI
LXIII
General
IOI,
*33
* 30 . *33
1-8
.
76
1-9 .
• 77
General
X02
3
16
70 ff. .
. *49
4
. .
4 l g
29
.
.
75
74 ff- .
. 76
7 ff
.
. 89
76 .
. 129
9
.
. 149
LI 11
l 6f L •
. 130
9-11
• 63
87 ff •
. 158
General
38 .
IOI,
lxtv
105.
106
LVI I
iff.
76
General
102
1-12
* #
3 *
General
X02
14-18
. 63
13-18
3 *
13 ff •
89. 163
19
48
19 •
• 79
LXV
20
48
22
. 150
26
48
26
• *47
General
102
27
87
27 .
• *52
iff :
. 6x
28
*44
28 ff .
• 6 3
1-7
•
• 63
182 introduction to the qur’An
verse
pa ( *
verse
page
11-12
63
LXXII
12
Il8
General 101
1
. . 120
LX VI
25
. 90
General
102
26-28
. 90
//....
6 3
26 ff.
. 89
6f. . . .
63
8
63
9
63
LXX III
General 101
LXVII
1, 2, 4b, 8 . 130
1-8
34, 129, 133
General
IOI
iff. .
. 63
5
145
5
. 130
* 7 # • • •
131
19
. 149
18 .. .
Go
20
87. 129, 132
Lxvnr
LXXIV
General 101,
132.
General 101
*33
iff .
60. 63. 105
x# .
76
J -7
• * 3 <>. *33
J 2 . • 140. *49
5
. 130
8-io .
• 77
11-15
. . 60
LXIX
27
. 80
31-34
87. 89
General 101.
*33
34 •
. *49
3
86
35-40
. 76
6 f.
121
51 ■
. 79
9
124
52 •
. . 16
12 . .
*49
55 •
. 87
13 .. .
*56
13-17
77
.17 .
*44
LXXV
19 .. .
*50
25 .. .
150
General 101, 133
38-43
76
iff. .
. . 61
42 .. .
75
1-6
. 76
48 ...
*49
7-12 .
♦ • 77
16 ff .
34 . 90
17 f. .
. . 129
LXX
26-30
. 77, 108
General 101.
*33
8-14 .
77
LXXVI
IS .. .
*59
General 71. 77,
IOI
LXXI
2
. . 118
16
. 86
General
IOI
*3 •
. . 129
5-19 ♦
128
2? •
. • *49
14 - - .
11S
30 f. .
. . l 7
wru page
LXXVII
General ioi, 131,
133
*-7 • • 75 . 76
8-13 • -77
14 . . .80
lxxvii r
(fcncral
*01. 133
13
. ns
18 .
. 156
18-26
• 77
35 .
• h
3^-35
. 86
38 .
* 45 . * 5 <>
LXXIX
General
76. IOI,
*33
1-14 .
75 . 76
15 ff. •
. 162
34-41
.• 77
LXXX
General
72, IOI,
* 3 *. *33
3
. 81
4
. 81
7
. 81
11 ff. . .
. * 3 °
13 .
. *6
24-32
72 , 116
33 •
89. *56
33 ff •
. 89
34-37
77 . 89
38-42
. 89
LXXXI
General
IOI
1-14 •
77 . *33
4
. 156
8 f. - •
6
10
16, 150
*5 ff . .
• 59
15-19
. 76
15-29
19 if ..
• 3 *
. 144
22
. 76
24 .
♦ 76
INDEX OF REFERENCES 183
otrst
f*gt
verse
i»te
*5 •
• 76
7
. . . 87
27 .
76. 149
8
. . . I30
29 .
. 87
9
. . . I30
16
. 86
17 ff-
. . . 116
LXXXII
iSf-
. . 16, 130
General
*01. 133
1-5 •
• 77
LXXXVIII
lof. .
. 144
10 ff. .
• 150
General 101, 133
17 • •
. 86
l-l J
. . . 130
7
. 86
17-20
. . yo
LXXXIII
13 /■
. 87
General
77. *o*
8-9 . .
. 86
LXXXIX
LXXXIV
General
101
i-6
77 . *33
7
. 150
7-12 .
90. 133
10
. 150
13-15
. 00
16-19
59 . 7 6 - 90
21
. 1 29
25 -
. 87
L XXXV
General
101
1-7 •
• 76
1-9 .
. 123
18
. 117
21
. 129
21 ff. .
• *33
22
• 37
LXXXVI
General
101
1
• z 6
2
. 86
4
• 76
11-14
• 76
LXXXVI I
General
101
1-6
. 130
1-9 .
97 . *33
6
. 129
General
*01.
*33
1-4 .
76
6
121
9
*24
23 •
*56
23 f- •
XC
77
General
101
iff- •
6x
1-4 ff-
•
•
76
1-11 .
*3®.
*33- *55
12
.
86
12 ff- .
XCI
86
General
68.
101
1-10 59. 76, 86. 133
XCII
Genera] 101, 133
1-4 ff. . . 76
1-13 . . 130. 155
14 ff- • • 59. 60
XCII I
General 101
1-3 ff- • . 76
XCIV
v*rse fx, t t
XCV
General 101
1-5
2
6
7
• 76
. 69
• 87
• *55
XCV I
General
J,
iff-
1. 3
i-5
1-8
iff-
4f
54. *0*
• * 4 *
. 60
. 129
104, 105
*04. *33
. 119
. *4
. 130
XCVII
General 37, 101
* • • .133
XCVIII
General
58, 102
2
XCIX
. 16
General
68. 101,
*33
1-6
• 77
2
C
• 32
General
68, 101
1-6
Cl
75. 76
General
101
2
. 86
3.4
• 78
3-6
• 7 Z
5 . 6
. 158
7
. 86
7 ff-
. 86
General
roi
1 84
V€JU
P*l*
CII
• General ioi, 133
• • -75
cm
General 67, 101
Tf- . . . 76
* • • ‘55
3 .87
CIV
General 68, lor
: : : 'U
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
P«i‘
*~4
5
CV
General 67, 101
CVI
General ioi, 106,
119
CVII
General
101
CVIII
General 52, 101
CIX
General
CX
General
1-3
101
102
77
4 f
CXI
General
CXII
General
CXIII
General
CXIV
General
pagt
IOI
52 . 67.
74. ioi
52, 101
52. 101
• 145
SELECT INDEX
The Table of Contents should also be consulted
(The numbers refer to pages)
Aaron, 1.16-137, 151,162
'Abd-ul-Malik, 43
’Abd-ul-Muttnlih, 21
'Abdallah b. lavish, 19
’Abdallah b. Mas'ud, 40-41, 52
'Abdallah b. Su'd b. Abl Sarp, 18
Abel, 161
Abraham, 72, 88, 126, 162, 165;
religion of, 32, 94-95, 123-124, «47,
168, 171; founder of Arab religion,
12, 107-108, 161; sheets or Boole of,
I 7 » * 3 ?; story of, 123
Abrogation, 85; note on Moslem
doctrine of, 98-99
Abu 'Amr, 49
Abu Bakr, 39, 43-45, 46, 49
Abii Iianifah, 37
AbG Musfi al-Ash‘art, 40-41
AbO THlib, 21
Abyssinia, 22
Abyssinian Church, to
Abyssinian* invade Yemen, 4
Acts of the Apostles, reference to, 167
'Ad, people of, 121, 125-126
Adam, it8, 135, 161, 164
Adultery, 170
Ahrens, reference to, 148, 156
al-Aikah, people of, 161
Ailah, bishop at, 11
Alexander the Great, 164
'Ali, 18, 19 note, 44, 168
Allah, os speaker in Qur'an, 6o-6i ;
derivation of the name, 143. See
God and ar-Rnhmfin, and pas tint
Alphabets, 15
Alyasa*, 162
Andrae, Tor, reference to, 32,143,148,
» 5&.159
Andreas, 163
Angels, 15, 18, 31, 35, 48, 61-62, 76,
105, 107, 123-124, 144 , 146-147, * 5 *
Annunciation, the, 163
Apocalypse of St. John, lot, 159
Apocalyptic Literature, 150, 163
Apocryphal Gospels, 163
Arabia, 3-14, and passim
Arabic alphabet, 15; written, 43
Arabic poetry, 5 ; Christian ideas in,
ti; £ 3 , 123; form of, 67
Armenia, 42
'AshOrfi, Jewish fast, 167
'Asim, 49, 50
Assonance in the Qur’an,68-69,7S'76,
83, 89
Aus, dan of, 23
Azerbaijan, 42 '
Baal, priests of, 162
“ tll « of, 23, 132-133, 136-137,
Baidu wf, reference to, 18 note
Bairam, 168
Baptism, 13
Basrah, 40, 42, 49
Bazzi, 49
Bedouin, tribal characteristics of, 4-6;
Muhammad’s appeal to, 106
Bell, reference to, Origin of Islam in
its Christian Environment, 27, 88
note, 107, 136; artides in The
Moslem World, 95-96, 105; artide
in J.R.A.S., 96; article in Studio
Semitica et Orientalia, 63
Bergstraesser, reference to, 50
Bismillah, 53-54, 82
Blacherc, reference to, 102
Black Stone of Mcccah, 139
Blighted Garden, parable of, 78
Blood-brotherhood, 6
Book, the, 134-136; * 47 ; 150 ft See
Christians, Jews
Brotherhood, idea of, 5, 28
Buddha, 13
Bukhari, 19 note
Byzantium, 2, 3
Cain, 161
Calendar, Arab, 7, 25-26, 95, 168;
Moslem, 26
Call, Muhammad’s, accounts of, 18,
21, 31, 38, 104-105
Camels, 6
Carlyle, Thomas. 30
Casanova, reference to, 46
185
186
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Chalcedon, Council of, to
Children of Israel, 125, 151, 154. >62;
Muhammad’s appeal to, 60, 106.
See Jews
Christian Scriptures, Muhammad’s
knowledge of, 17, 27, 144; borrow¬
ing from, 22, 48, 131, 140;
Muhammad influenced by, 140,146,
161, 163-164, cf. pp. 12-14; by
Apocalyptic Christian literature,
156
Christians, Christianity, in S.W.
Arabia, j>crsccutionof,4; in Yemen,
10; penetrations into Arabia, n,
12, 13; Christian monks, Muham¬
mad's alleged contact with, 21;
persecution of Najriin Christ¬
ians, 123; Muhammad’s view of
Christianity as u monotheism, 12;
Christian influence on Muhammad,
46, 134 (cf. pp. 12-14, 148); Laws
of Christianity abrogated by the
Qur’an, 98; Muhammad discovers
Christianity and Judaism to be
different, 107, 151; he breaks
away from Christians, 137, 165;
his view of Christianity as an off¬
shoot of Judaism 151 ; Christians
as People of the Book, 151 ; his
attitude to them as theists, 158.
See Chapter VIII
Commercial language in Qur’an, see
Mercantile
Constantinople, 2, 3
Coptic Church, to
Creation, 60, 117 ff.; a characteristic
of God, 141-142, 161, 164
Crucifixion, the, 163
Damascus, 42
David, 149, 162
Death, interval between and judg¬
ment, 108
Death of Muhammad, verse relating
to, 45
Debts, 15, 170
Dhfl 1 -Hijjah, sacred month, 7
Dhu 1 -kifl, 163
Dhu Nuwas, 4
Dhu I-Qa’dah, sacred month, 7
Dhu 1 -Qamain (Alexander the Great),
164
Distinction, Day of, 156
Dives, parable of, 163
Divine Sonship of Jesus, 141, 165
Divorce, among Bedouin, 7 ; laws
concerning, 169
Docetic influence, 163
Dilmah, Christians in, 11
DQri, 49
Egyptian printed Qur’fin, 50, 53;
arrangement of surahs, 110-114
Elephant, fellows of, 123
Elijah, 162, 164
Elisha, 162
Elkesaites, sect of, 13
Eschatology, 107, 155. Set Chapter
VIII
Esdras, 163
Evangel, the, 134, 137, 15 2
Exodus, Book of, 53
Extrn-Biblicnl matter in the Qur’un,
164
Ezekiel, Book of, 105
Ezra, Book of, 163
Fndak, Jews in, 10
Fall, the, 164
Fasting, in Manichacism, 13; in the
Qur an, 93, 132, 138, 167-168
Futihah (surah), 52, 120
Female infants, treatment of, 6, 8, 139
Fighting in sacred months, 7, 23,95-96
Fire, the, 159
Flucgcl, reference to, 52, 58, 63
Food,laws, 8, 84,166; taboos
rejected, 139, 167
Forgiveness of sins, 138
Furqiin, the, note on, 136-138
Future Life, 77, 102, 106-107, 130,
> 49 , 158
Gabriel, 31-32, 35, 37-38, 62, 105,
144, 146
Gambling, 167
Garden, the, 80, 158-160; parable of
Blighted, 78
Gathering, Day of, 156
Gehennah, 89, 107, 141, 158
Geiger, reference to, 120
Genesis, Book of, 118, 160
Geyer, reference to,"]\, 83
Ghassan, chiefs of, 4, 11
Gideon, 163
Glosses in the Qur’&n, 86
God, fasrim; see Allah and ar-
Ragman, and 140 ff.
Goddesses, 8, 48, 139, 144
Gods, pagan or false, 8, 22, 35, 48,
106, 139-HI
Goliath (JalOt), 162
Goossens, reference to, 56
Grimme, reference to, 102; on order
of surahs, 110-114, 143-144
Groups of stories, 125-127, 131
Grove, Men of the, 122
1 Guidance \ 35-36, 75, 132. 151
Haf?, 49, 50
Haf*ah, 40, 42 44, 97
SELECT INDEX
187
Haman, 125-126, 163
Hamzah, 49
Harith, 49
Heraclius, 2, 3
High Council, 139, 144
Hill*, 159
al-Hiir {Modi* in §alih), 121-122
Hijran (Hegira), the, 23, 26
Him?, people of, 41
Hiri’, Mount, 104-105
IJirah, 4; Christianity in, 11
Hirschfcld, reference to, 46, 53, 56,
102, 124
Ilisham, 49
Horovitx, reference to, 124, 160
Morses, 6
Hour, the, 156
Had, 121
Hudaibiyah, treaty of, 18, 24, 25, 46,
72, 96, 103, 168
Hudhaifah, 42
Hunain, battle of, 25
Hurts, 160
Iblls, stop’ of, 118, 145, 164
Ibn 'Amir, 49
Ibn Dakhwan, 49
Ibn Ilisham, reference to, 18 note,
19 notes, 74 note, 108, 128
Ibn Kathlr, 49
Ibn Mas'Od, see ’Abdallah
Ibn Muilhid, 49
'Id al-adhfi, 168
Idris, i<h
Immortality, 157
'Imran, family of, 147
Inheritance, 169
Inspiration, nature of Muhammad’s,
and its dangers, 34 ff.
Intercession, of pagan gods, 48, 140;
of angels, 48
Iram, 121
Iraq, 42-43
Isaac, 88
Ishmael, 161-162
Islam, 25, 107-108, 142
I aeob, 164
acobite Church, 10
ames, gospel of, 163
effery, reference to, 16, 50, 80, 136
eremiah, Book of, 118 note
eroboam, 162
erusalem, sack of, 3; Muhammad’s
night journey to, 45, 166; Council
0 1, l&J
Jesus, 12, 18, 84, 88, 95, 118, 141-142,
145 , > 47 . I 5 I ' , 5 2 . > 53 . >63
Jewish Scriptures, Muhammad s
knowledge of, 17, 27, 108, 123, 125 ;
borrowings from, 22, 131, 140, 148;
Muhammad influenced by, 140,
146, 161-163 ff.
Jews, Judaism, in Arabia, 9, 10;
influence of on Arabs, 12; possible
influence of Jewish-Christian sects
on Muhammad, 12-14; Muham¬
mad's view of Judaism as a
monotheism, 12; Jews of Medinah
hostile to Muhammad, 23 ; defeated
and expelled, 24; Jewish influence
in Medinah, 28; on Muhammad,
134; his appeal to, 106, 125; his
attitude to Jews in Medinah, 107 ;
he discovers Judaism to be different
from Christianity, 107, 151 j his
view of, as a separate religious
community, 137; he breaks away
from Jews, 137, 147: Jews as
recipients of the Book, 151-152;
Muhammad’s attitude to as theists,
158.
Jewish law abrogated by the
Qur’in, 98. See Children of
Israel, and Chapter VIII
Jinn, 9
John the Baptist, 13, 148, 163
Jonah,162, 164
Joseph (son of Jacob), 72, 78, 153,162
Judgment, Judgment Day, 15, 22,
46 - 47 , 72 , 77 , 89 , * 02 . > oS , " 9 , > 27 ,
130, 1 49 * 1 50 . > 55 . *58-> 59 , i6 3
Justinian, 2
Ka'bah, 8; cleansed of idols, 25, 168;
centre of Islam, 28; Lord of the,
106,119; visits to, 139; established
by Abraham and Ishmael, 161-162
Khadijah, 12, 19, 21, 105
Khaibar, Jews in, 10
Khalaf, 49
Khallild, 49
Khazrai, clan of, 23
al-Khidr, 164
Khosrau II, a, 3
Kisil’I, 49
Korah, 125-126
KOfah, 40, 42, 49
Lakhmid, dynasty of, 4
Last Day, 50, 77-78, 117, 127, 156
al-Lit, goddess, 8.
Laws, pagan, Jewish, Christian abro¬
gated by the Qur’in, 98; laws
of the Qur’in abrogated by the
Sunnah, 98
Lazarus, parable of, 159
Leviticus, Book of, 169
Lihyinic alphabet, 15
x 88
INTRODUCTION TO THE QUR’AN
Logos, doctrine of, 37
“ Lord of this district ”, 119
" Lord of this House ”, 119
Lord’s Supper, the, 163
Lot, 124-126. 161 ; story of, 124
Luke, Gospel of, 53
Luqmun, 153
al-Manit, 8
Mandaeans, sect of, 13, 148
MfinI, Manichacans, 13
Margoliouth, reference to, 30
Ma’rib, dam of, 5, 123
Mark, Gospel of, 53
Marriage, among Bedouins, 6
Marriage Laws, 94; 168
Mary, Virgin, 84, 88, 141, *45. *53*
Matthew, Gospel of, 157
Maurice, 2
Meccah, 4; situation of, 7, 8; trade
of, 7-8; Jews in, 10; Muhammad
bom in, 21; his mission in, 21-22;
his flight from, 23; his war with,
23-24; he conquers and enters, 25,
138; paganism in, 28; the Qur’in
in, 42, 49-50; and passim
Medii’in Ctesiphon, 2
Medinah (Yahrib), situation of, 4;
Jews in, 10, 165; Muhammad’s
flight to, 23; his position in, 23;
i ews expelled from, 24; war with
leccah, 23-24; paganism in, 28;
the Qur’an in, 42, 49-5°; constitu¬
tion of, 46
Meeting, Day of, 156
Melkite, to
Mercantile language in the Qur’ in, 15,
79. *50, 157
Messenger of God, 18, 19 note, 22,
28-29, 106, 121, 128, 145-146, >s 2 ;
nature of the message, 127
Michael, 144
Midian, people of, 122-123, 125-126,
162
Milk-kinship, 49
Mingana, reference to, 16
Miqqad b. 'Amr, 41
Miriam, 164
Monophysitism, 10
Monotheism, 12, 22, 27-28, 32, 102,
127-128, 140-141, 143, ««, >65
Months, sacred, see Sacred
Moses, 12,32,35, 72, 78,125,147,153,
162, 164
Moses, Book, Books of, *7, 130, 136-
137, I 5 I " I 5 2 * *65
Mueller, reference to, 71
al-Mughfrah, 56
Muhijirin, 23
Muhammad, passim ; the name, 46;
his Call, 18, 21, 31, 38, 104-105;
his life, 20-23; death, 25
Muharram, sacred month, 7
Muir, reference to, 30, 102 ; order of
Surahs, 110-114
al-Mu’tafik&t, 124
Mu’tah, battle of, 25
Mysterious letters in the Qur’an,
54 ff., 82, 131-132
Nabataean alphabet, 15
Nabataeans, 2
Natflr, tribe of, 24, 96
an-Natfr, 121
N afi', 49
Najrin, 123
Narratives in the Qur’Jin, 78
Nathan, 162
Nestorius, Ncstorian Christianity, 11
Noah, 32, 125-126, 161; story of, 123
Nocldckc, Noeldeke-Schwally, refer¬
ence to, 30, 38-39, 40-41, 45, 48, 50,
57, ior, 103, 120, 163; order of
surahs, 110-114
Oaths, 75-76, 101
*Om#r b. al-Khaftab, 38-40, 44-45,
48
Orthodox Church, 10
‘Othman, 18, 40, 42, 44, 97 ^ ,
'Othmanic recension of the Qur in,
40, 42-43, 49-50, 97; order of
surahs, 110-114, 135
Papyrus, 16, 90
Parables, 78, 130
Paradise, 159, 160, 167
Parchment, pergament, 16
People of the Book, see Christians,
Jews
Pharaoh, 124, 126, 162
Phocas, 2
Pilgrimage, time of Meccan, 7; 8-9,
95, 139, 168
Pit, fellows of the, 123
Plain, cities of the, 124
Poetry, Arabic, see Arabic; Muham¬
mad and poetry, 74
Poets, demonic inspiration of, 9; 53
Polygamy, 169
Polytheism, polytheists, 12, 79, 140-
141, 168; Muhammad’s attempted
compromise with, 22
Poor-tax, 166
Prayer, 22-23, *66
Predestination, doctrine of, 87, 142
Pre-’Othmanic Qur’ins, 40-42
Prettl, reference to, 50
Prophet, Muhammad as, 29 ff; 145 ff.
SELECT INDEX
189
Psalms, Psalter, 149, 152, 162
Punishment, stories of, 119 flf., 130, 135
Purgatory, 158
auga’, tribe of, 24
l&lQn, 49
mbul, 49
iraish, tribe of, 23-24. 4 2 . 4$. 1 >9
iraijah, tribe of, 72
ar'fin, disjointedness of, 34, 72 ff.,
85 ff.; different collections or
editions of, 41-42; authoritative
text established, 42 ; variant read¬
ings, 43; note on the text of, 49,
50; other names for, 51; language
and vocabulary of, 80, 81, 104,
108-109; style of, 102-104; mean¬
ing of the name, 129; its purpose,
130-131; and passim
ar-Rahman (God), 46, 101-103, 107,
143
Rajab, sacred month, 7, 19, 23
Ramadan, month of fasting, 93, 138,
167-168; Qur’Sn sent down in,
132-133
ar-Rass, people of, 122, 161
Redslob, reference to, 52, 63
Religion in Arabia, 8, 9
Resurrection, 83, 84, 88, 102, 1:5-117,
up, 127, 130, 141, 149-15°. 156*157
Retaliation, law of, 6, 139
Revelation, the, 51
Rhyme in the Qur’an, 58, 67 ff., 83 ff.
Ring-mail, 14
Roowell, reference to, 102
Romans, Epistle to, 118 note
Rudolph, reference to, 157
RQm, 2
Saba’ (Sheba), 122
Sabacans, 4, 8
Sabbagh, reference to, 79
Sabi’in, 13
Sacred months, among Bedouin, 7,8;
fighting in, 95-96
Sacrifices, animal and human, 8, 95,
139
Sacy, de, reference to, 44
§ftlib, 122, 128, 153
as-SSmiri, 162
Sassanid dynasty, 2
Satan(s), 32, 85, i45„
Saul (TAlQt), 162, 164
Schwally, reference to, 39, 4°.. 45
Scriptures, see Christian, J ewish
Sea, ships, referred to in the Qur’an,
21, Xl6, 123
Seven Sleepers, legend of, 164
ash-Shafi'i, 98
Sheba, Queen of, 54, 162; people of,
122
Shi'ah, 44
Shu’aib, 122
' Sign ’, derivation of ’ayah, 58, 153
‘Signs’, 59, 115-119. 13°. 135. 143.
IS?' 1 54
Sinai, Law given at, 16, 137
Slavery, slaves, marriage with, 94,
169; treatment of, 170
Sodom, 124
Solomon, 54, 162
Son of God, 88, 141, 165
Soothsayers, 9
Spirit, the, 107, 145, 146
Sprcnger, reference to, 10, 121
Stoning, verse of, 40, 48
Stories, of Punishment, see Punish¬
ment; religious, 131
‘ Suggestion 32 ff., 75, 154
Sunnah, the, 98
Surah, 41, 51; application of the
name, 131. See Chapters III-VI and
passim
SOsI.49
as-Suyati, 9S-99
Syria, monophysitism in, 10; Muham¬
mad’s journey to, 21; 40, 42, 49
Tahuk, expedition to, 25
Ta’if, 22 . .
Taima , Jews in, 10; Christians in, 11
Talmud, the, 164
Thamfld, people of, 86, 121-122, 125-
126
Thamudic alphabet, 15
Tor Andrac, see Andrae
Torah, the, 16, 134, 137, 152
Torrcy, reference to, 79 note, 163
Tradition, evidence as to Muhammad’s
ability to write, 18; value of, 20;
30, 38; and passim
Trench, Day of the, 24, 72
Trinity, doctrine of the, 141, 165
Tubba*, people of, 122
Ubayy b. Ka'b, 40-41
Ubud, battle of, 24, 26, 45. 72;
analysis of passage dealing with, 96;
109, 169
Unbelief, unbelievers, punishment for,
106, 121-127, 142, 155; work* of,
79; state of, 80; 109
Usury, 168
al-'Uizi, goddess, 8
Virgin Birth, denied by Elkesaitcs, 13
Virgin Mary, see Mary
Visions, 31, 105-106
Vollers, reference to, 81
igo
INTRODUCTION
Wadi Hamd, 4
Wadi l-Qurl, jews in, 10
Waraqah b. Nawfal, 12
Warsh, 49
Weil, reference to, 28, 44 note, 45-46
Wellhausen, reference to, 160
Wcnsinck, reference to, 37, 161
Wine, imported, 14; 160, 167
Women, position of, among Bedouin,
6, 7. Set Marriage, Divorce
Write, Muhammad’s ability to, 17-20
Writing in Arabia, 14-16
Writing materials, 16
TO THE QUR’AN
Yamfinah, battle of, 38-39
Yathrib- Mcdinah, 4
Yemen, invasion of by Abyssinians, 4
Persian rule in, 4; Jews in, 9
Church in, 10
Zachariah, 32
Zaid b. Thubit, 39-40, 42, 44, 48, 56,
82, 91, 97
Zakut, tax, 25, 166, t68
Zecharias, 163
Zoroastrianism, io-li, 13, 160-161
Vf
CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL LIBRARY
NEW DELHI
K - I flan a Raa or( i.
iogue No. 297 . 02 /Bol
Ball , Riohard
Live Music
Archive
Librivox
Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland
Museum of Art
Internet
Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American
Libraries
TV News
Understanding
9/11